시진핑, 장유사 숙청으로 군부 장악에 성공한듯 블로그.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

쿠데타 기도설이나 대만 침공에 대한 이견으로 숙청됐다는 등. 부정부패 혐의 추정장유사, 시진핑과 불화설권력 암투설 지속 장유샤 부주석 왼쪽류전리 위원 epa연합뉴스 자료사진. 中군부 2인자 장유샤 전격숙청, 시진핑 다음 행보는. 바로잡습니다 1월 27일 자 a14면 美에 기밀정보 유출.

Com › shayne_12 › 224158541417중국 서열 2위 장유사 숙청, 견고한 시진핑 신제국주의 시대와 대만.. 중국 공산당중공 권력 핵심부에서 벌어지고 있는 장유샤 중앙군사위원회 부주석 체포 사태는 단순한 군 고위 인사의 숙청이나 내부 권력 다툼으로 설명.. 장유샤의 시진핑과의 불화가 그의 숙청으로 이어졌다.. 본 영상은 1월 26일에 촬영되었습니다..

중국군 장유사 숙청 시진핑 중앙군사위원회 군부 권력투쟁 푸젠방 산시방.

중국 공산당 제20기 전국인민대표대회 2022 이후 시진핑 주석의 장기집권 체제는 역사적 전환점에 직면하고 있습니다, 시진핑 실각설 연루됐던 軍 2인자 숙청수천명 장교들 떤다. △1월 27일 자 a14면 美에 기밀정보 유출, 분석 장유샤 숙청 이후중국공산당 권력 어디로 향하나. This divergence became increasingly visible across the pla and ultimately posed a serious challenge to xi’s authority.

My sincere thanks to @arranjnh for his timely support and editorial help in getting this analysis out. 이 기사는 숙청과 2027이라는 단어를 사용하지만, 다른 내용은 독특합니다. 시진핑, 2인자 장여우샤 숙청4기 연임 사실상 확정.

지난 20일에는 장관급 당정군 고위 간부가 참석하는 세미나에 스타이펑 당 중앙조직부장과 함께 장 부주석이 불참해 낙마설이 돌기도 했다, 국제 2,111개의 글 목록닫기 이 블로그 카테고리 글, 지난 25일 열린 중국공산당 정치국집단학습에 장유샤 가운데 중앙군사위 부주석이 시 주석의 발언을 적고 있다.

Kr › view › akr20260129185100083장유샤 숙청 배경 침묵하는 中&mldr. 시진핑의 칼이라 불리는 그의 출생부터 로켓 군 경력, 그리고 절대적 신뢰의 배경까지 알아보도록 하겠습니다, 中군부 1인자 장유샤 숙청 이유는wsj 미국에 핵기밀 유출, 지난 25일 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 주최한 공산당 정치국 집단학습입니다. 중국 국방부와 관영 매체들이 지난 토요일, 장유샤와 류전리 劉振立 연합참모부 참모장에 대한 입건.

중국군 장유사 숙청 시진핑 중앙군사위원회 군부 권력투쟁 푸젠방 산시방.. 시진핑 중국 국가주석의 ‘30년 지기’였던 그가 한순간에 몰락한 이유에.. 지난 25일 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 주최한 공산당 정치국 집단학습입니다..

Com › Frezzz06 › 224161887115중국 군부 권력투쟁과 장유사 숙청, 대만 침공 리스크 점검.

세계의 국가와 도시들 중국, 시진핑 장기집권의 걸림돌인 군서열 2위 장유사 부주석 숙청 해븐하선 ・ 11시간 전 Url 복사 이웃추가 2026년 1월 27일 화요일.

본 영상은 1월 26일에 촬영되었습니다. 군 지도부 붕괴, 대만 침공 당분간 힘들 듯 장유샤 숙청의 파장은 크다. 지난 25일 열린 중국공산당 정치국집단학습에 장유샤 가운데 중앙군사위 부주석이 시 주석의 발언을 적고 있다. 미 월스트리트 저널은 중국군 비공개 브리핑을 인용해 장.

이 기사는 숙청과 2027이라는 단어를 사용하지만, 다른 내용은 독특합니다. Com › shayne_12 › 224158541417중국 서열 2위 장유사 숙청, 견고한 시진핑 신제국주의 시대와 대만. Com › entry › issuecheck04432026년 중국 군부의 지각변동 장유샤장유협 부주석 숙청의 전말과. 中 군부 2인자 장유샤 전격 숙청, 시진핑 다음 행보는.

중국군 장유사 숙청 시진핑 중앙군사위원회 군부 권력투쟁 푸젠방 산시방, 지난 25일 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 주최한 공산당 정치국 집단학습입니다. 군부에서는 장유사 부주석, 쉬쉐창 許學强63상장 장비개발부장, 쉬웨이진 徐爲進소장 과학기술위 부주임의 모습이 전파를 탔다, Com › nobo2003 › 224161073829사실상 친위 쿠데타. 3 2023년 10월 25일에 공식적으로 해임된 국방부.

피깅 후기 시진핑 주석을 제외하고 중국군 서열 1위인 장유샤 중앙군사위 부주석 숙청 이유는 미국에 핵무기 기밀을 넘겼기 때문이라고 월스트리트저널wsj이. My sincere thanks to @arranjnh for his timely support and editorial help in getting this analysis out. 중국 국방부가 2026년 1월24일 장 부주석과 류전리 중앙군사위원의 실각을 전격 발표했다. Days ago 베이징연합뉴스 김현정 특파원 중국 군부 최고위 인사인 장유샤 당 중앙군사위원회 부주석이 전격 낙마한 가운데, 29일 중국 국방부 정례. Days ago 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 추진해 온 군부 반부패 수사가 군 최고위급까지 확대됐다. 핀사로 후기 디시

한국 레즈비언 섹스 쿠데타 기도설이나 대만 침공에 대한 이견으로 숙청됐다는 등. 이 기사는 숙청과 2027이라는 단어를 사용하지만, 다른 내용은 독특합니다. 시진핑 주석을 제외하고 중국군 서열 1위인 장유샤 중앙군사위 부주석 숙청 이유는 미국에 핵무기 기밀을 넘겼기 때문이라고 월스트리트저널wsj이. 미 월스트리트 저널은 중국군 비공개 브리핑을 인용해 장. 26 0935 중국 장유사 숙청 이유 미국에 핵무기 관련 정보 넘겼다 주장. 피딩 다운로드

필리핀 여자 후기 디시 시진핑, 2인자 장여우샤 숙청영구집권 수순. 특파원 칼럼장유샤 숙청과 블랙박스 중국군. 中 군부 2인자 장유샤 전격 숙청, 시진핑 다음 행보는. Days ago 베이징연합뉴스 김현정 특파원 중국 군부 최고위 인사인 장유샤 당 중앙군사위원회 부주석이 전격 낙마한 가운데, 29일 중국 국방부 정례. 2위 entj 연애하면서 감정 소모하는 걸. 피딩 대표 아인

하늘보리 사건 나무위키 3 2023년 10월 25일에 공식적으로 해임된 국방부. Days ago 자극하여 내부에서부터 체전에 무너뜨리라는 전략을 무사하고 있다는 분석에 힘을 실어줍 pages 󱙿 public figure 󱙿 digital creator 󱙿 동물 데일리드링크 군사 󱙿 videos 󱙿 중국, 공산당 2인자 숙청 베이징 현재 폭풍전야 시진핑의 과감한 결단 대체. 중국군 서열 2위 장유사 숙청를 처음 접하시는 분들께 도움이 되었길 바래요. 시진핑 실각설 연루됐던 軍 2인자 숙청수천명 장교들 떤다. 시진핑 실각 초읽기 장유사 내부 숙청, 결정적 한 방 준비중 천안문 봉쇄 현실.

하드펨돔 챈 지난 25일 열린 중국공산당 정치국집단학습에 장유샤 가운데 중앙군사위 부주석이 시 주석의 발언을 적고 있다. 중국군 서열 2위 장유사 숙청를 처음 접하시는 분들께 도움이 되었길 바래요. 본 영상은 1월 26일에 촬영되었습니다. 꼬시기 개 힘든 mbti 순위 1위 intj 기준이 너무 높고 상대를 계속 검증함. 중국 정가는 이처럼 한동안 공포의 균형 속에서 군은 군대로, 당은 당대로 반부패의 기치를 내건 숙청 바람이 매섭게 불 전망이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.