길거리에서 노브라 차림으로 전력질주하는 사람을 보기는 힘들기 때문에 가슴의 과격한 흔들림을 접하는 것 또한 어려운 것이 사실이다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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그러니까, 노브라 한도박구ノブラ ハンドバッグ.

이시하라사토미 불닥터 드라마 현장에 노브라로 출근. 일본은 4음절로 줄이는데 ノーベルブライトノーブラ 히게단도ひげだん 한국어로는 3자인데 일본어로는 4음절 dc app, 코트：コート 떡볶이 코트：ダッフルコート 3. 탈코르셋 보고서, 나는 예쁘지 않습니다, ㅋㅋㅋ 종류, 명사 맨투맨 スウェット 바지 パンツ 니트 ニット 청바지.

Mazii 일본어 사전 및 한국어 무료 한국어 번역.. Org › details › youtube924xxst6lcointernet archive digital library of free & borrowable books.. 4 엄밀하게 따지자면 속치마가 있지만 이걸 팬티 대신으로 보긴 뭐하니.. 노브라는 재플리시이며 영어로는 브라리스니스 bralessness라고 해야 한다..

An illustration of a magnifying glass. 쿠팡에서 언더붑 패션 밑가슴 노브라티 섹시 셔츠 비치웨어 여자 탑 풀빌라 구매하고 더 많은 혜택을 받으세요. 지금 할인중인 다른 티셔츠 제품도 바로 쿠팡에서, 여성의 상의 속옷인 브래지어를 미착용한 상태를 이르는 단어. 패딩：ダウンジャケット 롱패딩：ダウンコート 줄여서 「ダウン」이라고도 합니다.

4 엄밀하게 따지자면 속치마가 있지만 이걸 팬티 대신으로 보긴 뭐하니. 산다라박, 충격 고백 노브라 시도만류에 니플패치. Org › details › youtube924xxst6lcointernet archive digital library of free & borrowable books. ノー‐ブラ 《 和no＋brassière フランスから》ブラジャーを着けていないこと。. 겉옷과 관련된 일본어 단어 겉옷：上着（うわぎ）／アウター 1, 39kg 산다라박, 드디어 뼈말라 몸매 탈출몸무게 3kg 쪘다.

언더붑 패션 밑가슴 노브라티 섹시 셔츠 비치웨어 여자 탑 풀. ノー‐ブラ 《和no＋brassièreフランス, ノー‐ブラ 《和no＋brassièreフランス. 노브라는 재플리시이며 영어로는 브라리스니스 bralessness라고 해야 한다. 리에하타와 다른 리더들은 영어나 일본어로 자연스럽게 소통했지만, 허니제이는 쉽게 어울리지 못했다.

노브라 4 Kawatsu Kenjiro 국내도서 교보문고.

탈코르셋 보고서, 나는 예쁘지 않습니다. 일본은 4음절로 줄이는데 ノーベルブライトノーブラ 히게단도ひげだん 한국어로는 3자인데 일본어로는 4음절 dc app, 노브라에 관한 무료 그래픽 리소스를 찾고 다운로드하세요. 탈코르셋은 보정 속옷을 뜻하는 코르셋을 벗어난다는 의미로, 남의 시선을 의식해 억지로 꾸미지 않을 것을 주장하는 사회운동을 말한다. 노브라 4 kawatsu kenjiro 국내도서 교보문고, 특징 여성의 유두가 남성보다 크고 튀어나왔기 때문에 이를 가려주는 브라가 없으면 유두의 윤곽이 옷 위로 튀어나오는 경우가 많다.

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산다라박, 충격 고백 노브라 시도만류에 니플패치.

겉옷과 관련된 일본어 단어 겉옷：上着（うわぎ）／アウター 1.. Re 프랑스에서브래지어를 착용하지 않는 것.. 그러니까, 노브라 한도박구ノブラ ハンドバッグ..

이시하라사토미 불닥터 드라마 현장에 노브라로 출근, 이 제품은 경량이고, 착용감이 좋으며, 견고합니다, 노브라는 재플리시 이며 영어로는 브라리스 braless라고 해야 한다. 일본 노브라는 소비자의 니즈와 트렌드를 반영한 디자인으로 주목받고 있습니다, 산다라박, 충격 고백 노브라 시도만류에 니플패치, ㅋㅋㅋ 종류, 명사 맨투맨 スウェット 바지 パンツ 니트 ニット 청바지.

하는 정도가 아니라, 심지어 속이 다 비치는 흰 나시에 브라를 하지 않고 다니는 모습은 그야말로 충격 그 자체였는데, 그것 못지, 현실의 가슴 흔들림 편집 현실에서는 브래지어 착용으로 흔들림이 대폭 제약된다, 39kg 산다라박, 드디어 뼈말라 몸매 탈출몸무게 3kg 쪘다, Mazii는 전 세계 1000만 명 이상의 일본어 학습자가 신뢰하는 최고의 커뮤니티 구축 일본어 사전 및 번역기입니다. 노브라는 재플리시 이며 영어로는 브라리스 braless라고 해야 한다. 그러니까, 노브라 한도박구ノブラ ハンドバッグ.

3 형태에 따라 boxers나 briefs라 칭한다. 영어의 자립적인 단어였던 노가 우리말에서는 접두사처럼 쓰이고 있는 것이다. 포괄적인 어휘, 문법, 한자 콘텐츠로 일본어를 더 쉽게. 영어의 자립적인 단어였던 노가 우리말에서는 접두사처럼 쓰이고 있는 것이다.

아이돌 서연우 g컵 원본 포괄적인 어휘, 문법, 한자 콘텐츠로 일본어를 더 쉽게. 영어의 자립적인 단어였던 노가 우리말에서는 접두사처럼 쓰이고 있는 것이다. 포괄적인 어휘, 문법, 한자 콘텐츠로 일본어를 더 쉽게. 4 엄밀하게 따지자면 속치마가 있지만 이걸 팬티 대신으로 보긴 뭐하니. 포괄적인 어휘, 문법, 한자 콘텐츠로 일본어를 더 쉽게. 아이치 팔토시 디시

아키 게이 디시 탈코르셋 보고서, 나는 예쁘지 않습니다. 노브라 이미지 freepik에서 무료 다운로드. 패딩：ダウンジャケット 롱패딩：ダウンコート 줄여서 「ダウン」이라고도 합니다. 패딩：ダウンジャケット 롱패딩：ダウンコート 줄여서 「ダウン」이라고도 합니다. 겉옷과 관련된 일본어 단어 겉옷：上着（うわぎ）／アウター 1. 아줌마 hitomi

아이온2 계승 디시 리에하타와 다른 리더들은 영어나 일본어로 자연스럽게 소통했지만, 허니제이는 쉽게 어울리지 못했다. 39kg 산다라박, 드디어 뼈말라 몸매 탈출몸무게 3kg 쪘다. Org › details › youtube924xxst6lcointernet archive digital library of free & borrowable books. 쿠팡에서 언더붑 패션 밑가슴 노브라티 섹시 셔츠 비치웨어 여자 탑 풀빌라 구매하고 더 많은 혜택을 받으세요. Stn뉴스 송서라 기자 그룹 투애니원2ne1 멤버 겸 솔로가수 산다라박이 노브라 선언을 했지만 주변의 만류로 실행하지 못했다고 밝혔다. 아이 코미 프리셋 사이트

아이온2 여캐 디시 포괄적인 어휘, 문법, 한자 콘텐츠로 일본어를 더 쉽게. 하는 정도가 아니라, 심지어 속이 다 비치는 흰 나시에 브라를 하지 않고 다니는 모습은 그야말로 충격 그 자체였는데, 그것 못지. 이시하라사토미 불닥터 드라마 현장에 노브라로 출근. 코트：コート 떡볶이 코트：ダッフルコート 3. 리에하타와 다른 리더들은 영어나 일본어로 자연스럽게 소통했지만, 허니제이는 쉽게 어울리지 못했다.

아크레도 디시 39kg 산다라박, 드디어 뼈말라 몸매 탈출몸무게 3kg 쪘다. 노브라에 관한 무료 그래픽 리소스를 찾고 다운로드하세요. Mazii 일본어 사전 및 한국어 무료 한국어 번역. 패딩：ダウンジャケット 롱패딩：ダウンコート 줄여서 「ダウン」이라고도 합니다. 리에하타와 다른 리더들은 영어나 일본어로 자연스럽게 소통했지만, 허니제이는 쉽게 어울리지 못했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.