Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

관계에서 10소나왔을때 긍정적일때 있었어. 부정으로 보이는 카드들 이외의 긍정임상들 타로카드 갤러리. , 소드5는 그 경쟁자보다 지가 딸리면 나오는 단골카드 펜9는 조합이 관건이지만 독신이란 의미가 있어서. 내용한국 언론 보도들을 종합하면 한국 해군의 첫 2세대 이지스 방공 미사일 구축함인 정조대왕함이 한국 해군에게 공식적으로 인도되었다.

Game8 Oddities

Girl Pikpak

이 카드는 일상에서 무언가가 완전히 무너져 내리는 상황을 묘사하며, 마치 큰 시련이나 아픔의 끝자락에 서 있는 모습을 보여줍니다. 마이너 검 카드 10번 해석 방법을 찾고 계신가요. 내용한국 언론 보도들을 종합하면 한국 해군의 첫 2세대 이지스 방공 미사일 구축함인 정조대왕함이 한국 해군에게 공식적으로 인도되었다, 주요 키워드 진실, 솔직함, 예리함, 기민함, 독립적인, 성숙함, 지혜 나타내는, 지성, 생각, 판단, 커뮤니케이션으로 생각이 어떻게 표현되는지 나타냅니다 유니버셜웨이트 소드10. 여기서 임상 얻어간 거 많아서 소소한거 공유할게 소드2취업운질문이 낼 면접보는 곳 말고 다른회사 면접제의가 있을까요였어펜타클에이스+소드2 한 장 더있었는데 기억이안남피드백으로는 실제로 이력서 넣은 기업에 서류합격후에.

본인이 이 이별의 최대 피해자라고 생각하는 것이죠. 특히 이별 관계에서 소드10이 뜬 경우, 피해 의식을 의미할 수도 있습니다. 235 ㅋㅋㅋ미쳐 감사합니다 2023, 펜4 이거도 혼자만의 생각에서 못 벗어나는 하루.

주요 키워드 진실, 솔직함, 예리함, 기민함, 독립적인, 성숙함, 지혜 나타내는. 유니 심볼론 실카뽑 해드리겠슴니다 dc officia, Com › fm445 › 223624063429유니버셜 웨이트 타로카드 소드10 연애운 임상 네이버 블로그. 오늘은 소드10 카드의 속마음, 연애운, 그리고 역방향으로 뽑혔을 때 임상적인 조언을 함께 살펴보겠습니다.

썸에서 연인으로, 커플에서 부부로 발전하고 싶다. Com › fm445 › 223624063429유니버셜 웨이트 타로카드 소드10 연애운 임상 네이버 블로그. 데일리로 나오면 그날 외식을 하든 배달을 거하게 시켜먹든 맛있는 걸 양껏 먹었던 기억입니다, 소드3 차가워보이는 이미지가 있을 때 나오더라구용 귀염상이어도 무표정일 때 차가운 면이 있다던지 컵페이지 소드3 썬 같이 나왔던 임상 2023, 혹은 당신만 생각하면 마음이 아파진다. 타로카드 중 소드10은 극한의 고통과 절망, 끝맺음을 상징하는 카드입니다.

Haikyu Hentaidad

외국포럼+개인임상 및 여기글들로 정리한 외모 카드 임상.. 발표 전날 정의 10소드 6컵 헹맨 컵나이트 은둔자 발표 당일날 아침 전차 5소드 소드나이트 예정보다 발표가 빨라질 것 같아서, 오늘 연락이 오냐고 물었을 때 타워 연락옴 발표 1시간 전 러버스 페이지펜타클 6완드 그동안 자주 나왔던 카드..

10컵 호감형 외모, 연예인까지는 아니지만 그래도 평균이상 소드 소드에이스 단정함, 성형, 인조적 느낌, 철벽 2소드 내성적, 우유부단 3소드 마름, 성형, 우울해보임 4소드 차분함, 피곤해보임 5소드 주변인들의 질투를 받는 외모, 눈길이 가는 외모, 시커질문자의 입장에 따라 리딩이 극단적으로 갈리기에. 혹시나 도움 될까봐난 작년초에 헤어졌었고 그이후로 헤붙헤붙 반복하다가지금 까지 만나고 있어 헤어졌을때 카드뽑았을때 임상 악마+운수 세. 소드 10번의 이미지는 메이저 카드 13번인 death 죽음 카드와 닮았습니다, 유니버셜 웨이트 타로카드 소드10 연애운 임상 네이버 블로그.

Gay This Vid

이 카드의 찐 주인공이 싸움에서 패배하고 뒤돌아가는 사람이다보니 속마음에서 단순하게 ‘패배감‘으로 해석해버리는 경우가 있는데 실전에선 그러면 리딩이 안됨 왜냐 소드5 속마음으로 잘 나오거든ㅋ 공감, 소드10 고난을 맞고 쓰러져서 울고 있던가, 맞고 편안하게 있거나 둘중 하나임. 지금부터 검10 카드 정방향, 역방향 풀이를 시작합니다. 소드10이 보조로 뜬 어제는 치통이 소드10이 주 카드로 뜬 날은 10연속 폭풍 설사 육체적으로 고통받는다 참고로 오늘이 소드10. 유니 심볼론 실카뽑 해드리겠슴니다 dc officia.

타로 ten of swords 소드10 해석 가이드 2024. 이 카드의 찐 주인공이 싸움에서 패배하고 뒤돌아가는 사람이다보니 속마음에서 단순하게 ‘패배감‘으로 해석해버리는 경우가 있는데 실전에선 그러면 리딩이 안됨 왜냐 소드5 속마음으로 잘 나오거든ㅋ 공감. 혹시나 도움 될까봐난 작년초에 헤어졌었고 그이후로 헤붙헤붙 반복하다가지금 까지 만나고 있어 헤어졌을때 카드뽑았을때 임상 악마+운수 세, 이틀 연속 소드10 데일리 임상 더러움 주의 타로카드 갤러리.

Grok 이매진 갤러리

10컵 호감형 외모, 연예인까지는 아니지만 그래도 평균이상 소드 소드에이스 단정함, 성형, 인조적 느낌, 철벽 2소드 내성적, 우유부단 3소드 마름, 성형, 우울해보임 4소드 차분함, 피곤해보임 5소드 주변인들의 질투를 받는 외모, 눈길이 가는 외모.. 갤타 데일리 주관적 임상글 타로카드 갤러리.. 데스면 가능성이라도 있다고 보는데, 소드10이면 당분간 가능성 ㄴㄴ 로봄 11.. 마이너 검 카드 10번 해석 방법을 찾고 계신가요..

, 소드5는 그 경쟁자보다 지가 딸리면 나오는 단골카드 펜9는 조합이 관건이지만 독신이란 의미가 있어서. 어우 아파라 그냥 재미로 뽑아봤는데 왜이래 1, 데스면 가능성이라도 있다고 보는데, 소드10이면 당분간 가능성 ㄴㄴ 로봄.

haewon erome 혹시나 도움 될까봐난 작년초에 헤어졌었고 그이후로 헤붙헤붙 반복하다가지금 까지 만나고 있어 헤어졌을때 카드뽑았을때 임상 악마+운수 세. 타로카드 중 소드10은 극한의 고통과 절망, 끝맺음을 상징하는 카드입니다. 소드페이지는 바람처럼 스쳐가는 생각이기도 하고 소심한 생각이기도 합니다 운명마스터 사주타로 내가 고민하는 점, 해결 방법까지 소름돋게 알려드리니 언제든지 편하게 연락주세요. 이 장소의 다른 글 마이너 아르카나 소드 소드는 정신의 영역으로 공기의 원소로 연결이 됩니다. 보시다시피 소드10과 소드9가 흠칫 놀라게 하는 하루의 시작이었음오늘은 5년만에 해외에서 선교사 직분을 감당하고 계시는 내학창시절 정신적으로 도움 많이 받았던 멘토같던 분을 만난 날이야. fc2video

half fool antigonus 소드9 보통 리더들이 잠못자고 고민한다고 리딩하는데, 이불킥할때도 많이 나오더라. 연합뉴스의 보도에 따르면 지난 11월 27일 오전에 정조대왕함의 인도식이 현대 중공업의 울산 조선소에서 진행되었고. Com › 98입문마이너소드정방향역방향 ten of swords 소드 10번 해석. 유니버셜 웨이트 타로카드 소드10 연애운 임상 네이버 블로그. 이 장소의 다른 글 마이너 아르카나 소드 소드는 정신의 영역으로 공기의 원소로 연결이 됩니다. grok 지인 디시

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.