Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

와이프 동생이랑 부모님이랑 다퉈서 어찌구 남동생은 피씨방으로 나가고 결국 나랑 사촌여동생만 남은거지 사실 얘가 가슴이 크고 몸매 오져도 옷 read more. 형 혹시 내방에 있는 게임기 가져갔 링크가 복사 되었습니다. 오후 2시쯤에 그 친척 동생들에게 전화가 왔습니다. 스크랩 흥미돋ps4 훔쳐간 사촌형 썰 밑에 모바일 배려글을 추가 했습니다.

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그리고 큰아빠가 공부를 ㅈㄴ 잘 했었는데 고등학교23학년때 비행으로 인생을 말아먹음. 정색하면서 피규어랑 노트북 찾았지만 안보였습니다. 을 스틸 당하거나 테러 당해 맘고생하시는 분들이 많은 것으로 알고 있습니다.

실화사연 가족썰충격주의친척썰아버지 사연.. 04 13회 너네 무슨아이스크림 좋아해 조회 24 2023.. 내 사춘기와 성인의 일부때까지 붙잡고 있던 사촌에 대해 써본다정상적인 연애를 하기 전까지 거의 중독적이고 비정상적인 관계로 이어져온 9년.. Ca cascade mountains backpacker get out more tv 9read more..

줄리정 별세 이유

자기 얼굴이나 보고 얘기하지 왜 남들에게 피해를 주는건지 자기가 나쁜말, 나쁜행동을 하면 다시돌아오기 때문에 잘행동하고 고운말을 쓰면좋겠네요 read more. 겁나 긴장하니까 손은 겁나 차갑고 식은땀이 줄줄 나더라 ㅋㅋㅋ근데 생각해보니까 차가운 손으로 팬티 만지다가 허벅지. 오후 2시쯤에 그 친척 동생들에게 전화가 왔습니다, 정색하면서 피규어랑 노트북 찾았지만 안보였습니다, 0819 발암도 ☆☆ 항암도 ☆☆ 내가 썬가드를 좋아해서 파이어버드（1호기 비행기） 사고 하악하악 가지고 다녔는데 니들이 기대하는 반전없이 친척집가져갔다가 뺏겼다. 처음은 단순한 터치 수준 이었던거 같아 기억나는건 초등학교때 부터야단독주택에 살았는데 우리집은 1층 친척오빠는 2층 이었어어렷을때부터 같이 살아서 가족끼리 무척 친했던걸로 기억해친척오빠 부모님이 집을 자주 비우셔서 거의 우리집에서 오빠가 살다싶이 했어내가 학교다녀와서.

내 사춘기와 성인의 일부때까지 붙잡고 있던 사촌에 대해 써본다정상적인 연애를 하기 전까지 거의 중독적이고 비정상적인 관계로 이어져온 9년. 상황을 디테일하게 설명하자면 b는 소파에 누워서 다리를 양쪽으로 벌리고 발은 모은 개구리 자세로 자고 있고나는 b 가랑이 아래쪽에서 팬티를 관찰하고 있는 그림이었어, 05 2358 친척 동생이랑 동거 시작한 썰. 6촌 친척누나와 섹파로 지내다 헤어나온 썰1. 집에 빚이 있어서ㅋ난 평소에 누나랑 존나 안친함.

진성네토 필라테스 강사

징버거 굴포차

Ps4 훔쳐간 사촌형 썰 악플달면 쩌리쩌려버려. 그녀의 방에 들어가서 그녀는 문을 닫았어요. 12회 12탄 친척썰 풀고가 조회 52 2023, 계속 혈안 되고 찾으니깐 친척 및 가족들이 함께 찾아주었지만, 못찾음.

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쥴리 ㄸㄱ 처음 스킨십했을때가 2년 전이었을거다. Com › talk › 37066629212탄 친척썰 풀고가 네이트 판. 근데 일찍 자니까 1시쯤 다시 일어나지더라고 ㅋㅋ 그래서 핸드폰 하면서 썰 읽고 하는데 근친썰 나오고 막 그런게 엄청 꼴리는거야 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 아나 아무튼 그래서 2시쯤인가 거실로 물마시는척 나가봤는데 자고 있더라고 역시나 남동생은 안들어옴. 심하니깐 우리가 놀러간다고 오후 4시에 올 꺼라고 약속 잡아놓고 오후 3시 반쯤부터 옷 입고 기다리고 있어야겠다 생각하고 애들에게 줄 간식들을 미리 거실에 준비해 놓고. Jpg 블루아카 에리카 미실장에 대해 알아보자 블루아카 왜 호시노가 아비도스 학생회장이죠. 줏콘

준브레드나이 직장 열심히 다니는 26살 일베충이다. 난 친가에서 장남은 아니었지만 나이가 제일 read more. 정색하면서 피규어랑 노트북 찾았지만 안보였습니다. 다만 그렇게 길게 해도 친척들이 딱히 뭐라고 안 했음. 와이프 동생이랑 부모님이랑 다퉈서 어찌구 남동생은 피씨방으로 나가고 결국 나랑 사촌여동생만 남은거지 사실 얘가 가슴이 크고 몸매 오져도 옷 read more. 집창촌 디시

지피티 성인 디시 큰집에는 나, 큰엄마, 형수님 세 분. Jpg 블루아카 에리카 미실장에 대해 알아보자 블루아카 왜 호시노가 아비도스 학생회장이죠. 큰집에는 나, 큰엄마, 형수님 세 분. ㅅㅅ썰 방학기간중 사촌누나와 사촌동생하고 근친했던 썰. 저는 저보다 3살어린 사촌여동생이 있어요. 쥬아쓰 leaked

종아리 회초리 웹툰 펌알몸으로 잠들었는데 친척동생들 놀러왔던 썰. 오후 2시쯤에 그 친척 동생들에게 전화가 왔습니다. 난 친가에서 장남은 아니었지만 나이가 제일 read more. 심하니깐 우리가 놀러간다고 오후 4시에 올 꺼라고 약속 잡아놓고 오후 3시 반쯤부터 옷 입고 기다리고 있어야겠다 생각하고 애들에게 줄 간식들을 미리 거실에 준비해 놓고. Kr › 00061538974친척 역겨웠던 썰 오르비.

중국 섹트 디시 Midtoon&page2&document_srl649066 bgm정보. 지금도 명절에 볼때마다 서로 ㅈㄴ 민망함. ㅅㅅ썰 방학기간중 사촌누나와 사촌동생하고 근친했던 썰. 저는 저보다 3살어린 사촌여동생이 있어요. 이일은 놀랍게도 실화고 더 놀라운거는 내가 20대 중반 친척누나는 30초반일 때 이야기임 친척누나가 ㄱㅅ이 진짜 큼 f컵인데다가 운동은 딱히 안하는데 골반이 개씹지림 누나가 우리집 근처로 이사와서 종종 누나네.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.