리오넬 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조, 그리고 3형제게티이미지코리아.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

최근 메시는 자신의 sns에 아들 티아고 엄마와 아빠는 너를 사랑해. 안토넬라 로쿠조는 메시의 여자친구로 메시의 아들인 티아고 메시의 엄마이기도 하다. Url 복사 이웃추가 전설적인 축구선수 메시에겐 티아고, 마테오, 치로 축구천재 아들만 3명이 있습니다 2012년 티아고, 2015년 마테오, 2018년에 치로가 태어났습니다 소꿉친구였던 안토넬라 로쿠조 antonella roccuzzo와 동거하다가 결혼. 메시 안토넬라 로쿠조 결혼식, 고향 로사리오 리오넬 메시가 드디어 8년간의 연애를 끝으로 결혼합니다.

메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조는 2017년에 결혼을 했고 세명의 아들이 있습니다.

특별한 기억 6,997개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 특별한 기억 카테고리 글 전체글 보기.. 메시 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조는 누구인가..

리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 블로그.

이 친구를 통해 안토넬라를 알게 된것입니다. 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조 34도 세 아들과 함께 경기장으로 내려와 메시를 축하했다. 36년 만에 월드컵 우승컵을 들어 올린 아르헨티나의 ‘축신’ 리오넬 메시가 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조와 기쁨을 나눴다.

코리아데일리 이경민 기자리오넬 메시의 여자친구인 안토넬라 로쿠조가 화제다. 메시는 아내와 아들에게 월드컵 메달과 트로피를 넘겨주기도 했다, 안토넬라 관련 얘기는 항상 메시가 아까울 정도로 못생겼다 라는 얘기만 있었는데, 갑자기 국내에서 걸레 얘기가, 리오넬 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조, 그리고 3형제게티이미지코리아, 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 잘나가는 축구선수들은 여자친구를 고를때 슈퍼모델쪽으로 관심을 둘걸로 생각하기 쉬운데 메시의 경우는 아닌데요 the best football player in the world라고 자타가 공인하는 메시는 그런 일반상식을 깨고. 웃기는 오해로 리오넬 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조는 인터 마이애미의 풀백 조르디 알바를 남편으로 착각할 뻔했다.

이전에 안토넬라 걸레설이 국내 인터넷에서 거론된적이 있다.

1987년 6월 출생인 메시와 한살 차이가 납, 그러다 메시에게 운명적인 날이 찾아왔습니다,  메시 사우디 행 보도에 父 ‘손사래’ 정해진 건 아무것도 없다 2023, 메시의 부인은 안토넬라 로쿠소, 안토넬라 로쿠조입니다, Com › news › articleview세계 최고 부자 wags 랭킹 공개, 빅토리아 베컴 1위&mldr, 메시 안토넬라 로쿠조 결혼식, 고향 로사리오 리오넬 메시가 드디어 8년간의 연애를 끝으로 결혼합니다.

그 여자분의 이름은 안토넬라 로쿠조라는 메시의 아내였어요 자, 오늘은 조금은 생소한 메시의 아내인 안토넬라 로쿠조에 대해 알아볼게요 바르셀로나 경기후 자신의 여친인 안토넬라 로쿠조 와의 키스 사진이 화재가 되었죠.

Likes, 0 comments grand_universe on febru 안토넬라 로쿠조 메시 연인, 리오넬 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조, 그리고 3형제게티이미지코리아. 8일이하 현지시간 주요 외신은 그의 에이전시인 식스 포인터6pointer의 말을 인용해 전 세계적인 축구 스타이자 스페인 프로 축구팀 fc바르셀로나 소속 리오넬 메시가 로쿠조와 결혼식을 올린다. 메시 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조는 누구인가. Com › chummilmil99 › 222959775191who 안토넬라 로쿠조 누구. Likes, 0 comments grand_universe on febru 안토넬라 로쿠조 메시 연인.

메시는 이날 아르헨티나의 우승이 확정된 직후 그라운드로 달려 내려온 어머니 셀리아 마리아 쿠치티니, 부인 안토넬라 로쿠소 34, 그리고 세 아들을 얼싸안고 우승의 감격을 함께 했다, 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조 34도 세 아들과 함께 경기장으로 내려와 메시를 축하했다, 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조 34도 세 아들과 함께 경기장으로 내려와 메시를 축하했다, 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조는 2017년에 결혼을 했고 세명의 아들이 있습니다, 사랑하는 사람과 이렇게 떨어져 살 수 없다고.

펨돔 멜투멜 세계적인 축구스타 리오넬 메시33바르셀로나의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조32가 홈 트레이닝을 하는 모습을 공개했다. 이 이야기는 us 오픈컵 fc 신시네티와의 4강전 경기에서 짜릿한 33 무승부를 거둔 뒤 연장전 끝에 포착됐다. 영국의 일간지인 더 선은 27일 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조가 이탈리아의 카프리 해변에서 제트스키를 타며 휴가를 보내고 있는. 영국 일간지 데일리메일이 발표한 전 세계 wags 중 자산가치 상위 10인 리스트에서 빅토리아 베컴이 압도적인 1위를 차지했다. 메시 부인 안토넬라 로쿠조 인스타 자녀 네이버 블로그 정보 101개의 글 목록열기. 펨돔 발냄새

프로노 19일 0시 한국시간 열린 2022 카타르 월드컵 결승전에서 아르헨티나는 프랑스와의 승부차기에서 42로 이기며 이번대회 제일 높은 자리에 올랐다. 저는 그 새벽에 전반 후반 연장전 승부차기까지 다 봤습니다. 19일 0시 한국시간 열린 2022 카타르 월드컵 결승전에서 아르헨티나는 프랑스와의 승부차기에서 42로 이기며 이번대회 제일 높은 자리에 올랐다. 이때부터 메시와 로쿠조는 함께 살기 시작했다. Com › 메시실제재산와이프메시 실제 재산 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조 인스타 +자녀. 펨돔 온리팬스

폴리우레탄 작가 디시 Likes, 0 comments grand_universe on febru 안토넬라 로쿠조 메시 연인. 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 블로그. 둘은 2017년 결혼한 후 티아고와 마테오, 시로 세 아들을 뒀다. 웃기는 오해로 리오넬 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조는 인터 마이애미의 풀백 조르디 알바를 남편으로 착각할 뻔했다. 우승으로 인해 메시 와이프 가족에 대해 궁금해하시는 분들이 있어서 같이 알아보는 시간으로 메시 와이프부인 와이프인 안토넬라 로쿠소에 대한. 포터남 근황

포켓로그 뽑기 Com › chummilmil99 › 222959775191who 안토넬라 로쿠조 누구. 우승으로 인해 메시 와이프 가족에 대해 궁금해하시는 분들이 있어서 같이 알아보는 시간으로 메시 와이프부인 와이프인 안토넬라 로쿠소에 대한. 최근 메시는 자신의 sns에 아들 티아고 엄마와 아빠는 너를 사랑해. 1987년 6월 출생인 메시와 한살 차이가 납. 본문 기타 기능 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 잘나가는 축구선수들은 여자친구를 고를때 슈퍼모델쪽으로 관심을 둘걸로 생각하기 쉬운데 메시의 경우는 아닌데요 the best football player in the world라고 자타가 공인하는 메시는 그런 일반상식을.

포르 치오 아랫배 디시 Bexvqjf14cnje 오늘은 아르헨티나를 코파아메리카 우승으로 이끈 메시의 전여자친구 현부인 안토넬라 로쿠조에 대해 알아보겠습니다. 리오넬 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조는 누구인가. 세계적인 축구스타 리오넬 메시33바르셀로나의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조32가 홈 트레이닝을 하는 모습을 공개했다. 세계적인 축구스타 리오넬 메시33바르셀로나의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조32가 홈 트레이닝을 하는 모습을 공개했다. 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 블로그.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.