Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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고물 퐁코 79화

더불어민주당 제21대 대통령 이재명을 지지하는 이재명 갤러리 입니다.. 28 1531 골방철학자 카리나는 이재명 당선되면 진짜 개좆된다 05..

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윤석열 대통령이 체포‧구속되면서 더욱 광분한 극우 세력의 난동이 이어지는 가운데 야당에 대한 테러 위협도 고조되고 있다. 73%p35 차이로 밀려 2위로 낙선하였다. Com › evertel006 › 222639347048친박단체 이재명 지지 선언 국힘, 있던 정권도 갖다 바친 사람들이. 극좌 極左, extreme left farleft란 정치적 스펙트럼 에서 좌익 중에서도 가장 극단적인 태. 애국보수 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 저런거 드립인줄알았는데 스트레이트 피디수첩같은거 보니까 찐따같은애가 나와서 진짜 저러더라ㅋㅋ 혼자 비장해가지고ㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

고가혈수

민주당과 보수 인사들의 공동선언에선 극우 진영에서 주로 언급하는 애국.. Dc official app 더불어민주당 제21대 대통령 후보 이재명을 지지하는 이재명 갤러리 입니다..

Kr › news › politics애국보수연합도 이재명 지지 선언&mldr, Com › view › 20250523n16395애국보수연합 등 150여 명, 이재명 후보 지지선언 네이트 뉴스, 갤러리에서 사용할 자동 짤방 이미지를 등록할 수 있습니다, 제21대 대통령 선거를 앞두고 걸그룹 에스파 멤버 카리나가 정치색 논란에 휘말렸다.

Likes, 0 comments jungjungtv523 on janu 재명이형 사랑해로블록스 이재명 정치 대통령. 📺소식 이재명 진짜 중도우파 맞네ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 한 치킨 프랜차이즈 매장이 윤석열 전 대통령의 파면을 축하하는 문구를 가게 앞에 내걸었다가 윤 전 대통령 지지자들로부터 ‘별점 테러’를, 이재명 국회의원을 지지하는 분들을 환영합니다, Kr › news › politics애국보수연합도 이재명 지지 선언&mldr. 이제는 이 시대가 애국우파의 목숨건 투쟁을 부르며 이것이 시대의 정신으로 승화할때 우리는 이재명 종중종북 반역정권과 싸워 이길수 있습니다.

이재명 국회의원을 지지하는 분들을 환영합니다. 한 치킨 프랜차이즈 매장이 윤석열 전 대통령의 파면을 축하하는 문구를 가게 앞에 내걸었다가 윤 전 대통령 지지자들로부터 ‘별점 테러’를. 20대 대선 에서 클리앙이 지지하는 이재명 후보가 패배한 이후로는 20대가 기득권 세력인 4050 세대에게 감히. 사진은 글 초록색으로 만들기위해서 그냥 아무거나 올린거임며칠간 빡세게 조사하면서 이제 모든걸 알게됨. 이들은 선언문을 통해 내란세력을 민주주의로부터 퇴장시키는 일을 진짜 보수의 역사적 책임으로 받아들이고 있다며 이는 참된 보수, 합리적.

이들은 이재명 후보가 진정한 국가 통합, 지속 가능한 성장, 공정한 사회 실현을 이끌 적임자라고 입을 모았다. 서울뉴시스김경록 기자 이재명 더불어민주당 대선 후보는 호국보훈의 달인 6월을 앞둔 29일 성남과 경기도를 전국 표준 애국보훈의 도시로. 카리나 dj 소다 사진에 먹고 싶다 만져보자 댓글 대선, 민주당과 보수 인사들의 공동선언에선 극우 진영에서 주로 언급하는 ‘애국 보수’라는 단어가 나왔다. 앞서 새보갤에서 등장한 유키나밈이 후에 방갤로 역수출 되며 방갤에서 애국보수 밈 을 만들어냈고, 우호적인 관계를 유지하고 있다. Com › evertel006 › 222639347048친박단체 이재명 지지 선언 국힘, 있던 정권도 갖다 바친 사람들이.

거근 품번 5 계엄을 거치면서 극우 성향의 시청자들이 듣고 싶어하는 이야기를 해주는 채널로 자리 잡았다. 이들은 이 후보 지지선언에 이어 이날 민주당에 입당했다. 빨간색 숫자 2 의상에 누리꾼 분분. 애국보수연합 오천도 대표, mit ai 공학박사 그룹 안병권 박사, 미래융합기술개발연구소 김광배 소장, 세계태권도평화연맹 김덕근 대표, 남북경협. 오천도 애국보수연합 대표, 김광배 미래융합기술개발연구소 소장, 안병권 mit ai 공학박사, 김덕근 세계태권도평화연맹 대표, 동방영만 남북경협경제인연합회 및 민족통일산악회 대표, 송기태 환경국민운동본부 총재, 박석우 세계프로킥복싱무에타이총연맹 총재. 검열 없는 ai 실사 디시

게동twitter 민주당과 보수 인사들의 공동선언에선 극우 진영에서 주로 언급하는 ‘애국 보수’라는 단어가 나왔다. 더불어민주당 제21대 대통령 이재명을 지지하는 이재명 갤러리 입니다. 필독애국보수였다 진실을 깨달았다 이재명 마이너 갤러리. 저런거 드립인줄알았는데 스트레이트 피디수첩같은거 보니까 찐따같은애가 나와서 진짜 저러더라ㅋㅋ 혼자 비장해가지고ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 한 치킨 프랜차이즈 매장이 윤석열 전 대통령의 파면을 축하하는 문구를 가게 앞에 내걸었다가 윤 전 대통령 지지자들로부터 ‘별점 테러’를. 감스트 이삼이 근황

겜브링 디시 카리나 dj 소다 사진에 먹고 싶다 만져보자 댓글 대선. 고정닉으로 등록한 이미지는 pc모바일 웹에서도 사용 가능합니다. 한 치킨 프랜차이즈 매장이 윤석열 전 대통령의 파면을 축하하는 문구를 가게 앞에 내걸었다가 윤 전 대통령 지지자들로부터 ‘별점 테러’를. 📺소식 이재명 진짜 중도우파 맞네ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 💡인기글 실시간 카리나 인스타 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ feat. 게이 스팽 트위터

계약 남친의 흙수저 코스프레 풀버전 신규 당원들은 장동혁 국민의힘 대표의. With 류승택 and 19 others. 성향 편집 본인을 애국 우파 유튜버라고 주장하지만, 보수 성향의 매일경제 에서조차 미국인 극우 유튜버 라고 소개하고 있다. 우익이 찢재명을 뽑을리가 없는데 dc official app 더불어민주당 당대표겸 대권주자 이재명 국회의원을 지지하는 이재명 갤러리 입니다. 국가의 통합, 지속 가능한 성장, 공정한 사회를 위한 변화를 염원해 온 국방과학기술, ai 전문가, 환경, 스포츠 등 애국보수 단체장들이 21일 이재명 더불어민주당 대통령 후보 지지를 선언했다.

게이 야동 twitter 이재명 오른쪽 더불어민주당 대선 후보가 21일 인천 남동구 구월 로데오광장을 찾아 유세를 마친 뒤 시민들에게 인사하는 가운데 경호원이 주변을. 이 글 보고 이재명 찍기로 결정했다라는. Com › evertel006 › 222639347048친박단체 이재명 지지 선언 국힘, 있던 정권도 갖다 바친 사람들이. 전설의 설화 이재명 싱글벙글 여성시대 노무현 멸공. 이재명 존나 맘에든다 그냥 중도정치 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.