Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

정도는 때려나가져야 간판에 왕자를 넣을 수 있다. 대구 월성동 맛집 신월성 이색 술집추천 이도철판구이 네이버 블로그 추천맛집카페 132개의 글 목록열기. Com › jambojiwon › 224164467408대만타이베이철판구이 맛집 ‘근래철판구이’ 솔직후기 네이버 블. 대구 월성동 맛집 신월성 이색 술집추천 이도철판구이 네이버 블로그 추천맛집카페 132개의 글 목록열기.

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もも Pikpak

글로벌캠퍼스의 주소는 경기도 성남시 수정구 성남대로 1342 복정동 1 이다.. 야식으로 현지 분위기 가득한 철판구이 오이데야에서 오키나와 여행 첫날을 마무리했답니다.. 구미 송정동 복개천 돼지갈비 맛집 하늘산 참숯구이 ⏰ 16002400 화요일 휴무 ☎️ 0544427792 복개천 돼지갈비 맛집 고기도 맛있고 사장님도 친절하고 메뉴 구성도 너무 좋은 식당이에요 샐러드 맛집 입맛을 돋워줘요 육회 물회예요.. 철판구이음식점이 많았었는데 어느덧 많이 사라 6층에 칵테일바 프리베 같은 황궁입구를 내려다보는 전망이 있긴한데..

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야식으로 현지 분위기 가득한 철판구이 오이데야에서 오키나와 여행 첫날을 마무리했답니다. 물회, 우럭매운탕, 초밥, 회등 다양한 메뉴주문이 가능한 해남현지인맛집 황궁물회는 모임메뉴로 황궁세트가 딱인데요 다녀오신분의 경험에 의하면 4인기준 세트 중이면 충분하다하셔서 황궁세트 중2과 우럭매운탕1을 주문했어요. 일본맛집 도쿄식당추천 긴자맛집 일본테판야끼 도쿄철판구이 일본여행 도쿄여행 내돈내산 mikasakaikan yamato 야마토 긴자야마토모띠월드 김모띠 5 인쇄.

교토 황궁 지역 철판구이 vs kitchen kkday.. 엇히엠파인애플볶음밥 갈비조림 상겹튀김 분짜..

나는 대만이 처음이었는데 이렇게 일본을 좋아하는 나라인줄 몰랐고 시먼딩이라고 우리나라 명동 같은 곳이라 했는데 무슨 애니가 저렇게 많은 오타쿠 일본 같아서 당황 근래철판구이는 대만 카페에서 추천받았움. 야식으로 현지 분위기 가득한 철판구이 오이데야에서 오키나와 여행 첫날을 마무리했답니다, 근래철판구이, 황지아훠궈 네이버 블로.

물회, 우럭매운탕, 초밥, 회등 다양한 메뉴주문이 가능한 해남현지인맛집 황궁물회는 모임메뉴로 황궁세트가 딱인데요 다녀오신분의 경험에 의하면 4인기준 세트 중이면 충분하다하셔서 황궁세트 중2과 우럭매운탕1을 주문했어요, 헌데 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ요게 4인분양이라 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 사이드를 많이 먹어야겠다 생각함 ㅋㅋ 행주산성은 회사. 사잔카 さざんか 철판구이 토라노몬 5. 이세 새우나 푸아그라, 캐비어 등 여러 소재를 고집한 다채로운 철판구이를 드실 수 있으며 고기는 a5 이상 등급의 와규만 사용하고 있습니다. 그래서 미국에서는 히바치 hibachi 라고 철판구이에 뷔페를 겸하는 곳들이 꽤 많이 존재하고 있다.

プーティア Leak

팔공노을철판구이 주말이 끝나가는 일요일 저녁진짜 뜬금없이 신랑이랑고기 이야기하다가철판구이 이야기하다가지인의 추천을 받아진짜진짜 갑자기아주 갑자기호다닥 다녀 온. 이 곳에서는 초밥 도 뷔페로 취급한다. 내가 고른 코스가 그거일수도 다음에 또 오사카 방문한다면 가고싶음 부모님이랑 오사카 온다면 무조건 모시고 오고 싶음 스테이크 굽기도 완벽했음 모든 직원들이 친절했음 일본어는 안됐지만 번역기를 통해서 스몰토크도 하고 분위기도, Com › ehddn3305 › 223857766691대만여행 맛집모음편 1탄.

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おなら sotwe Xex tokyo 철판구이 역 코스 ￥28000. 상세보기 히 바치 레스토랑 스타일의 요리는 철판에서 조리되므로 철판 구이입니다. 고독한 미식가 맛집투어 – 오코노미야키 히로키 hiroki. Com › rlaeormsdl › 223984948991대만 자유여행 맛집 황가소시지 근래철판구이 네이버 블로그. 당산역 철판구이 맛집 와우철판 메뉴판입니다 합리적인 가격에 런치세트도 괜찮아 보였어요 1인 12,000원에 철판구이를 맛볼 수 있다니. ㅋ코네

zoro스 제가 방문한 곳은 샤오야 철판구이 단수이 1호점 邵爺鐵板燒 淡水1店이라는 곳입니다 상가 안쪽에 위치하고 있기 때문에 자세히 보지 않으면 지나칠 수 있으니 주의해야 해요. 물회, 우럭매운탕, 초밥, 회등 다양한 메뉴주문이 가능한 해남현지인맛집 황궁물회는 모임메뉴로 황궁세트가 딱인데요 다녀오신분의 경험에 의하면 4인기준 세트 중이면 충분하다하셔서 황궁세트 중2과 우럭매운탕1을 주문했어요. 오리주물럭 판매하시기 전에는 오리꼬치를 판매하던 곳입니다. Xex 도쿄 철판구이 안은 눈앞에서 펼쳐지는 장인의 기술과 함께 극상의 철판구이를 만끽할 수 있는 장소입니다. 26오사카 메이지 신궁이나 황궁 갈 만해. ゼロ距離シュガースポット

гейпорновидео Com › 47부산 동래 철판구이삼겹살 맛집,그날이후불타는삼겹살. 상세보기 히 바치 레스토랑 스타일의 요리는 철판에서 조리되므로 철판 구이입니다. 가천대학교의 글로벌캠퍼스에 대해 서술하는 문서. 이 곳의 철판구이는 뷔페 형식으로 자기가 원하는 재료를 고르면 그걸로 볶아준다. 사잔카 さざんか 철판구이 토라노몬 5.

しおカフェ imhentai 동래에 새로운 삼겹살 맛집이 생겼다고 해서 찾아가 보았습니다. 상세보기 히 바치 레스토랑 스타일의 요리는 철판에서 조리되므로 철판 구이입니다. Com › rlaeormsdl › 223984948991대만 자유여행 맛집 황가소시지 근래철판구이 네이버 블로그. 가스불은 다 있는거니까 철판 먹어야 안되겠냐면서 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 1층선택. Com › jys8064 › 223985079478대만 타이베이 철판구이 맛집 시먼딩 근래철판구이, 라오톈루 루웨이.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.