Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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スマホ撮影 Spank

Com › mgallery › board농날두가 왜 농날두임.. 안녕하세요 이번에 준비한 전술은 0708 맨유 무한 스위칭전술입니다..

れむ Pikpak

농어촌 어쩌다 날두햄이 되어버렸냐 ㅋㅋㅋ서류 20배수는 맘에드네. 한국농어촌공사 채용공고 6급 2022년도 신입사원 채용. 농어촌이 코레일 전안공 까면서 코레일 전안공은 케이리그급이고 농어촌은 호날두급이라고 함read more. 드리블+개인기충이라 농날두 금카를 잘쓰고 있는데18토티 날두 6카도 그정도 체감 나올까요. 꿈을 향해 나아가는 여정에서 놓치는 순간들이.

한국농어촌공사 신입경력, 계약직 채용공고를 확인해보세요. 서교공 사무 쓴 친구들에게 말해주고 싶은 서교공 장단점 완전 자세함. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다, 한전 밈이나 드립을 감전 드립이라고 하기도 한다 과거 누칼협 공무원, 농날두 농어촌공사, 킹차갓무직 현대차사무직, 형회보 sk텔레콤에 이은 직업,회사 관련 밈이다. 농어촌이 코레일 서고굥 까면서 코레일 서교공은 케이리그급이고 농어촌은 호날두급이라고 함 2. 꿈을 향해 나아가는 여정에서 놓치는 순간들이.

머리에 박혀서 농어촌공사 들으면 낭만이없음 ㅋㅋ, 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다. 요즘 심심할 때 추천하는 재미있는 활동, 우디 앨런의 비교적 최근작 을 봤다.

やすけ Pikpak

갑자기 옛날 생각나서 공붕이들 참고하라고 써줌18년 7월에 3년동안 준비한 7급시험 죠져버리고필기는 한번 붙었지만 면탈해서 멘붕왔었음아무 스펙 없이 머먹고사나 고민하다가 친구가 공기업은 블라인드 채용이라고 시험이나.. 농날두 다닐때 거창함양에 잠깐 산적있어서 잘 아는정돈 아님.. 한국농어촌공사 신입경력, 계약직 채용공고를 확인해보세요.. 농어촌이 코레일 전안공 까면서 코레일 전안공은 케이리그급이고 농어촌은 호날두급이라고 함read more..

도엘국수 한국도로공사, 한국토지주택공사, 국가철도공단, 한국수자원공사. 한국농어촌공사 같 호날두 점점 허접 되어가는데 앞으로 한 45년 더 지나면 농날두 소리 들어도 될 듯 ㅋㅋ, 원래는 한전계열쪽으로 이직 방향성을 잡았었는데 최근 고민하던중 본 글에서 마음이 좀 흔들리네요어느정도 맞는말이라는 의견이 많던데 방향성을 새로 잡아야 할까요. 잠이 안와 남편이랑 이제 곧 이혼하는데 총쏘는 게임배워보고싶은데.

ㅐㅅㅅ 머리에 박혀서 농어촌공사 들으면 낭만이없음 ㅋㅋ. 한국농어촌공사 채용공고 6급 2022년도 신입사원 채용. 개요 공기업 마이너 갤러리는 디시인사이드 에서 공기업 에 대해 이야기하는 마이너 갤러리로 공기업 관련 갤러리 중에서는 가장 큰 갤러리이다. 혼자 끙끙 앓지 말고, 지금 당장 한국농어촌공사kr 현직자 및 지원자와 실시간 채팅으로 취업 정보 공유. 잠이 안와 남편이랑 이제 곧 이혼하는데 총쏘는 게임배워보고싶은데. 「お前がフった陰キャ女、今じゃフォロワー100万人超えの爆乳グラビアアイドルだぞ？w」2 ―彼女のいる俺をむちむち爆乳ボディで誘惑してきて逆ntr― えろ

_age backwards, love forwards dailymotion_ 한국농어촌공사 채용공고 2023년도 상반기 보훈장애인 채용. 공기업 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 한국농어촌공사 신입경력, 계약직 채용공고를 확인해보세요. Com › mgallery › board농날두 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 한국농어촌공사 암 작성자 전기마르만 뜨면 3대장 완성인디. yumi_03 야동

チェンソーマン hitomi 속가 102 정도는 나와야 달릴 맛 나는데 어떤걸 사는게 좋을까요. 농날두 저평가이유 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 엥 감전당했나 뜻은 감전당할정도로 맛탱이가 갔다는 의미이다. 조회수969댓글4 북마크 메뉴 더보기 여러분 지금 서교공이 문제가 아닙니다 농날두도 뜬다고 공고 나왔네요 역시 호우형 온다고 타이밍 맞춰서 농날두 발표 다같이 농날두에서 정모합시다. 유벤 올스타 돌리는데 현재는디발라 트레제게 투톱공미에 알레 쓰고 있습니다즐라탄 쓰다가 나가리 됐고아마도 트레제게 나가리 시키고 날두를 넣으려 하는데라이브+3 농협+5중에 고민이네요농협이 골결만 하자고 대부분 능력치는 더 좋더라구요농날두 톱으로 써보신분들 괜찮았나요. ゆらちとせ missav

ㅆㄷ 뜻 농어촌이 코레일 전안공 까면서 코레일 전안공은 케이리그급이고 농어촌은 호날두급이라고 함read more. 농날두 형들 5급 대졸이랑 6급 고졸직이랑 차별 매우 커요. 모집 직무 일반전형 사무원_강원권역_홍천춘천지사, 일반전형 사무원_강원권역_강릉지사, 일반전형 사무원_충북권역_충북지역본부, 일반전형 사무원. 12 1521 농어촌공사 톡방에 닉넴 공갤러가 누구노ㅋㅋ ㅇ 공기업 2024. 농날두 다닐때 거창함양에 잠깐 산적있어서 잘 아는정돈 아님.

おやすみつき video Com › mgallery › board농날두 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 블라블라 농어촌공사 농날두 어원이 어떻게 되는거야. 토픽 베스트 결혼생활 도박성 투자로 결혼자금 날린 여자친구 tv연예 왜 민희진이 전부다독박쓴걸까 경제자산관리 8년차 부기장 실수령 주식투자 1. 머리에 박혀서 농어촌공사 들으면 낭만이없음 ㅋㅋ. 국가별 식량안보 수준을 비교하는 세계식량안보지수gfsi에서도 우리나라는 매년 순위가 하락하고 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.