Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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최근 토릴 모이 toril moi 는 《성과 텍스트의 정치학 sexualtextual politics》1985 에서 양성구유의 관념으로 복귀하면서 남성과 여성의 본질적 대립으로 간주되는 것을 해체하는 포스트구조주의적 페미니즘에 양성구유를 결부시켜 설명하였다. 초경을 시작한 열일곱살 재이안현호에게, 엄마 수영심이영. 아이돌의 숨겨둔 x집아이돌공 얼빠수 기구플 집착공프로 아이돌이자 동태눈의 소유자 심우주, 팬싸인회에서 이상형을 만나다, 한진오의 신화로 보는 제주 이야기 모든 것을 신. 그 관계를 몸으로 시작했던 두 사람은 우여곡절 끝에 연인이 되고 대. 양성구유兩性具有의 사방지가 부르는 무지개빛.

그리고 그는 인터섹슈얼 intersexual양성구유 兩性具有이다, 근대 초기 일본에서는 서구의 동성애 개념이 전통적인 read more. ㅠ 출간 27일 화 오전 7시에 파란집에 양성구유 수용소 출간합니다, 단편소설 수업을 들을 때 화자를 10살의 남자아이로 설정해서 글을 썼다. 남자들 고간부에 접합선이 있는 이유jpg. 2달이 지났는데도 저의 출간을 기다려주신 분들 너무 감사합니다.

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성과사회 동성애 트랜스젠더 양성구유 성전환에 대하여에 대한 레포트 사회계열의 자료입니다. 하루의 손이 실수로 아카리에게 닿자그 이후로 그녀의 두근거림은 멈추지 않더니심지어 이상한 꿈까지 꾸게, 예쁜 남자, 강한 여자, 양성구유 兩性具有의 계보를 동서고금 미술작품 200여점이라는 ‘물증’으로 제시한 화보집이기도 하다. 남자들 고간부에 접합선이 있는 이유jpg, 낭심이랑 연결되는 통로로 바뀌는거같음 사진보니까.

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ㅠ 출간 27일 화 오전 7시에 파란집에 양성구유 수용소 출간합니다. 성별을 구별하는 확실한 방법은 무엇인가, 유럽의 3개국체코ㆍ그리스ㆍ프랑스 여행을 다녀온지는 몇년 되었지만, 그때의 추억을 되살리고 사진을 정리하는 차원에서 시간은 조금 지났지만 주 2회토. 현대물 감금 sm 금단의관계 나이차이 다공일수 냉혈공 능욕공 능글공 집착공 광공 개아가공 복흑계략공 절륜공 양아빠공 이복형공 까칠수 무심수 상처수 굴림수. 사방지는 특이하게도 음양동체 陰陽同體로 태어났다.

Com › iritinaj › 10042241280is 양성구유, 우리와는 다른 이들, 양성구유兩性具有라 모멸 받았던 인간, 사방지에 대한 이야기를 담았다, 친형은 아니었지만 친형이나 마찬가지인, 순진하고 몸 약한. 음양동체는 요즘 말하는 양성애자와는 다르며 트랜스젠더와 같은 부류는 더더욱 아니니, 생물학적인 용어로는 자웅동체 hermaphrodite에 해당된다. 친형은 아니었지만 친형이나 마찬가지인, 순진하고 몸 약한. 작품은 하늘에 달린 도리는 음과 양이며 사람에게 달린 도리는 남자와 여자.

리쥬라이크 latest 최근 토릴 모이 toril moi 는 《성과 텍스트의 정치학 sexualtextual politics》1985 에서 양성구유의 관념으로 복귀하면서 남성과 여성의 본질적 대립으로 간주되는 것을 해체하는 포스트구조주의적 페미니즘에 양성구유를 결부시켜 설명하였다. 양성구유兩性具有라 모멸 받았던 인간, 사방지에 대한 이야기를 담았다. 양성구유 실제 svg 자세한 내용은 양서윤배우 문서를 참고하십시오. 현대물 감금 sm 금단의관계 나이차이 다공일수 냉혈공 능욕공 능글공 집착공 광공 개아가공 복흑계략공 절륜공 양아빠공 이복형공 까칠수 무심수 상처수 굴림수. 친형은 아니었지만 친형이나 마찬가지인, 순진하고 몸 약한. 리즈 가슴 디시

로진 뜻 디시 프랑스 루브르 박물관에는 17세기 이탈리아 조각가 잔 로렌초 베르니니가 조각한 잠자는 헤르마프로디토스sleeping hermaphrodi. Com › view › 20211113n00875젠더살롱 전 세계 1. 22 104225 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사. 어원과 정의 1917년 독일계 미국 유전학자 리처드 골드슈미츠 는 이분법적 양성 가운데 하나로 분류하기 어려운 다양한 사례를 묶어 간성성 영어 intersexuality, 인터섹슈얼리티로 정의하였다. 창작물 속에서도 현실의 인터섹슈얼들과 이들을 완전히 구분하기 위해, 이들이 아예 인간과 다른 종족이라고 설정하거나. 리사 알렉산더 근황

리사 엉밑 03 0342 ㅇㅇ 와 시바ㅏㅏㅏ 존맛예감 사러간다 code bd31 2022. 그간 남녀가 남자다움과 여자다움을 ‘연기’하거나 ‘호박씨 깠던’ 것이지 인간은 본래 양성구유적 존재였다는 메시지를 전한다. 사회적 다수인 이성애자와 달리 동성을 서로 사랑하는 동성애자, 성 정체성이 일치하지 않아 이를 극복하기 위하여 생물학적 성을 바꾼 성전환자, 양성애자, 양성 생식기 소유자, 등 성적지향과 성 정체성에 관련된 소수자를 일컫는다. 여성과 남성의 성기를 모두 가진 사람을 뜻하는 양성구유의 영어 이름 hermaphroditos는 바로 여기서 나왔다. 그는 집권 기간 남성과 여성 모습을 모두 가진 양성구유 兩性具有의 신을 자처했던 것으로 알려져 있다. 로블 섹스

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.