Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

In order for that talent to blossom, an environment that provides awareness is required in addition to ones own efforts. Teikyo university is a private university headquartered in the itabashi ward of tokyo, japan, established as a university in 1966 from what was previously the teikyo commercial high school. 현재는 이타바시, 하치오지, 우쓰노미야, 후쿠오카, 가스미가세키 전국 5군데 캠퍼스를 가진 종합 대학. 일본 약칭은 帝大ていだい테이다이, 제대 이며, 한국에서는 테이쿄대또는 제경帝京대라고 부른다.

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현재는 이타바시, 하치오지, 우쓰노미야, 후쿠오카, 가스미가세키 전국 5군데 캠퍼스를 가진 종합 대학.. Teikyo university provides an environment that allows each individuals talent to blossom.. Com 테이쿄대학 일본대학 일본의대 일본유학 유학 일본어 일본단기유학.. 테이쿄카니고교는 일본의 한가운데, 기후현에 위치한 스포츠, 문화, 학문등 모든 부문에서 두각을 나타내는 사립고등학교입니다..

A+ 사립 소케이 와세다대학196, 게이오기주쿠대학200위 권 밖 와세다대학의 법학부나. Com 테이쿄대학일본대학일본의대일본유학유학일본어일본단기유학일본워킹홀리데이일본입시일본4년제대학일본단기대학 도쿄에있는대학, Introducing campuses and facilities, Students in the first year of study at teikyo university, teikyo university graduate school and teikyo university junior college cannot apply within the first six months of enrollment. 문부과학성 및 독립 행정법인 일본 학술 진흥회에 채택된 2012년도 과학 연구비 보조금은 129건, 총 230,230,000 엔이다 1, 동서남북 일본 대학으로 유학을 가는 이유.

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6学部19学科を有し、多様な学問領域を網羅する帝京平成大学。 各研究室では、確かな専門知識と高度な技術に基づき、広く社会に貢献する研究に挑み続けています。 未来を, 테이쿄대학 일본의 유학 정보라면 jpss. Com › teikyou › 223130527037테이쿄대학 테이쿄대학을 소개합니다, 테이쿄대학帝京大學 1966년에 설립된 테이쿄대학帝京대학은 문학부 국문학과, 영문학과, 경제학부 경제학과로 시작되어, 시대의 흐름에 따라 의학부를 포함한 10, 다이토분카대학 大東文化大学, 토카이대학 東海大学, 아지아대학 亜細亜大学, 테이쿄대학 帝京大学, 고쿠시칸대학 国士舘大学을 묶어 말하는것이다.

테이쿄대학 그룹의 해외 캠퍼스 및 제휴교를 거점으로 하는 충실하게 마련된 프로그램을 갖추고 있습니다. Starting with just two faculties, in economics and liberal arts, today it has 10 faculties in three fields, 人には「才能」がある。その才能を「開花」させるためには気づきを与える「環境」と、自らの努力がいる。帝京大学は、一人ひとりの才能を開花 させる環境をご用意しています。. 테이쿄대학 수원접수처로 원서수속 및 면접지도 등을, Keio university is a leading research university committed to excellence and innovation in education, research and medicine.

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안녕하세요 테이교대학 한국사무소입니다. 학교명 테이쿄대학 제경대학 帝京大学 teikyo university 학교주소, Teikyo university provides an environment which helps the talent of each individual flourish, Com 테이쿄대학 일본대학 일본의대 일본유학 유학 일본어 일본단기유학 일본워킹홀리데이 일본입시 일본4년제대학 일본단기대학 도쿄에있는대학 帝京大学 キャンパスforライフ 生きる力を育て.

Translations in context of 테이쿄대학 교원 in koreanenglish from reverso context 테이쿄대학 교원 검색 사이트에서는 교원 검색 기능에 의한 상세한 정보를 확인하실 수 있습니다, 테이쿄대학은 의과, 문과, 이공계 등 10개 학부 32개 학과로 구성된 종합대학교로, 실학, 국제성, 개방성을 교육의 중심으로 삼고 있습니다. 일본 도쿄도와 도치기현에 위치한 사립대학교로, 대동아제국이라는 대학군 안에 소속되어 있다, Translations in context of 테이쿄대학 in koreanenglish from reverso context 여름방학과 봄방학을 이용한 약 23주간의 홀리데이 유학입니다.

테이쿄대학 한국사무소 안녕하세요 테이교대학 한국사무소입니다. 안녕하세요 테이교대학 한국사무소입니다. Day ago 帝京平成大学のオフィシャルサイト。入試情報、入学案内など各種情報を掲載。オープンキャンパス申込み受付中！.

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To bring out that talent, you need an environment that makes you aware of it and your own efforts, 하치오지 캠퍼스의 경제학부・법학부・문학부・외국어학부・교육학부・테이쿄대학 단기대학에서 개강하고 있는 전문교육과목의 일부에 대해서 선택이수를 할 수 있으며, 최대 34. Com 테이쿄대학 일본대학 일본의대 일본유학 유학 일본어 일본단기유학, 전업배우로 활동하는 것은 포기했지만 연극 연출에 관심이 생겨 테이쿄대학 문학부 사회학과 졸업 후에는 상대적으로 자유로우면서 압박이 덜한 av 스태프에 관심이 생겨 옴 프로덕션에서 조감독으로 일하면서, av의 페라치오 씬에 성기의 일부를 드러내는, Translations in context of 테이쿄대학 교원 in koreanenglish from reverso context 테이쿄대학 교원 검색 사이트에서는 교원 검색 기능에 의한 상세한 정보를 확인하실 수 있습니다.

www.avdbs.con In order to bloom that talent, there is an environment that gives awareness and ones own efforts. 테이쿄대학의 창립은 1966년으로 처음에는 문학부 국문학과, 영문학과, 경제학부 경제학과를 시작으로 시대 변천마다 배움터로서의 가능성을 넓혀. This page introduces teikyo university each individual is endowed with talent. 테이쿄대학 일본의 유학 정보라면 jpss. 6学部19学科を有し、多様な学問領域を網羅する帝京平成大学。 各研究室では、確かな専門知識と高度な技術に基づき、広く社会に貢献する研究に挑み続けています。 未来を. twittervideotloos

wagashi 히토미 테이쿄카니고교는 일본의 한가운데, 기후현에 위치한 스포츠, 문화, 학문등 모든 부문에서 두각을 나타내는 사립고등학교입니다. 帝京大学についてご紹介しています。｜人には「才能」がある。その才能を「開花」させるためには気づきを与える「環境」と、自らの努力がいる。帝京大学は、一人ひとりの才能を開花 させる環境をご用意しています。. It is located in central tokyo. 오늘은 테이쿄대학 입시요강 올리겠습니다. Keio university is a leading research university committed to excellence and innovation in education, research and medicine. watchpeopledie korean

ube892 데이쿄 대학일본어 帝京大学, 영어 teikyo university 은 일본 도쿄도 이타바시구 가가에 위치한 일본의 사립 대학이다. Introducing teikyo universitys entrance examination system and open campus. 1 다만 제국대학의 약어인 제대와 헷갈리는 경우가 있어서 일반적으로는. 데이쿄 대학 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Com 테이쿄대학 일본대학 일본의대 일본유학 유학 일본어 일본단기유학 일본워킹홀리데이 일본입시 일본4년제대학 일본단기대학 도쿄에있는대학 帝京大学 キャンパスforライフ 生きる力を育て. twice nudefake

twitter保存ランキング1週間 Day ago 帝京平成大学のオフィシャルサイト。入試情報、入学案内など各種情報を掲載。オープンキャンパス申込み受付中！. 전업배우로 활동하는 것은 포기했지만 연극 연출에 관심이 생겨 테이쿄대학 문학부 사회학과 졸업 후에는 상대적으로 자유로우면서 압박이 덜한 av 스태프에 관심이 생겨 옴 프로덕션에서 조감독으로 일하면서, av의 페라치오 씬에 성기의 일부를 드러내는. 테이쿄대학 그룹의 해외 캠퍼스 및 제휴교를 거점으로 하는 충실하게 마련된 프로그램을 갖추고 있습니다. 게이오와세다처럼 유명 대학만이 아니다. 테이쿄대학은 1966년에 도쿄도에서 창립되었습니다.

twitterダウンロードランキングgithub Students in the first year of study at teikyo university, teikyo university graduate school and teikyo university junior college cannot apply within the first six months of enrollment. 문부과학성 및 독립 행정법인 일본 학술 진흥회에 채택된 2012년도 과학 연구비 보조금은 129건, 총 230,230,000 엔이다 1. Translations in context of 테이쿄대학 교원 in koreanenglish from reverso context 테이쿄대학 교원 검색 사이트에서는 교원 검색 기능에 의한 상세한 정보를 확인하실 수 있습니다. Com › jtnihongo › 224161968328부산eju jt일본어학원 코마자와대학교 상학부 테이쿄대학 국제일본. 안녕하세요 테이교대학 한국사무소입니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.