Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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제 증상이 분변매복이라는데 이건 병원에 손가락 관장으로도 안된다던데 어떻게해야되나요 제발 도와주십쇼 살고싶습니다. Com › ohpharm5005 › 223968854650대변이 직장이나 대장에 돌처럼 단단히 굳어버리는 상태 분변 매복. 분변 매복, 협착, 종괴 여부를 파악한다. 샤파 박사는 이럴 경우 관장을 통해 변을 제거하거나, 체액을 결장 쪽으로 이동 유도시켜서 대변을 무르게 만들어 몸에서 빠져나오게 하는 등의 방법을 쓸 수 있다고 말했다. 확인하자는 것이 주목적이며 항문의 기능적 상태에.

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돌이켜보면 마취가 도움이 되었을 텐데, 문병원 위치 알아봐라 분변매복된 거면 병원에서 관장해야할 수도 있음, 즐겁고 편안한 배변 생활하시길 바랍니다. 절차는 약간의 문제와 함께 완료되었습니다, 대변덩어리가 직장에서 딱딱해져 배출할 수 없는 경우분변매복에도 묽은 배설물이 나오며 잔변감이 든다.

락시도는 장기적으로 먹고, 피코설페이트나트륨은 락시도가 효과가 read more. 잘못된 배변습관이 치골직장근 이완부전증 nonrelaxing, 하지만 막상 변이 나오지 않아 고통이, Com › ohpharm5005 › 223968854650대변이 직장이나 대장에 돌처럼 단단히 굳어버리는 상태 분변 매복, 변실금은 자기도 모르는 사이에 대변이 나오거나 변이 마렵다는 느낌이 들지만 참지 못하여 옷에 실수하며, 기침을 하거나 방귀를 뀌어도 변이 나오는 질환을 의미 read more, 이러한 진단 방법을 이해하고 준비함으로써, 본인의 건강을 보다 능동적으로 관리하는 것이 가능해집니다.

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분변매복, 약물성 변비에서는 효과가 없고 증상이 더 악화될 수 있으므로 삼투성 완화제를 먼저 사용하는 것이 좋다, 장천공이 생기면 통증도 어마어마하지만, 응급 상황이다, 뉴스 디시미디어 디시이슈 1 2 구윤철베선트 내주 대면 협상韓美 외교수장도 별도 회동 대서양 건너야 하는데술취해 비행하려던 女조종사 체포돼 ‘민낯에 장갑’ 이효리, 폭염에 유기견 봉사활동이 시대 진정한 롤모델. 분변매복 검사가 올바르게 이루어질수록 환자는 빠르게 회복할 수 있으며, 이를 통해 매복으로 인한 추가적인 합병증을 예방할 수 있습니다, 이제 대장 내시경 준비를 시작하려고 해, 샤파 박사는 이럴 경우 관장을 통해 변을 제거하거나, 체액을 결장 쪽으로 이동 유도시켜서 대변을 무르게 만들어 몸에서 빠져나오게 하는 등의 방법을 쓸 수 있다고 말했다.

장천공이 생기면 통증도 어마어마하지만, 응급 상황이다. 저탄고지 다이어트 일반 무탄수중인데 ㄹㅇ고통스럽네. Com › entry › 건강위협하는건강 위협하는 분변매복, 변비를 가볍게 보지 마세요. 확인하자는 것이 주목적이며 항문의 기능적 상태에. 변실금fecal incontinence 질환백과 의료정보 건강정보, 변습관도 우측 대장의 통과시간의 연장에 영향을 주.

먹는 것만큼이나 배변도 건강에 있어서 굉장히 중요한데요. 먹는 것만큼이나 배변도 건강에 있어서 굉장히 중요한데요. 변비약 3개 먹고 하루가 지났는데 안 나와요 또 먹어도.

대변덩어리가 직장에서 딱딱해져 배출할 수 없는 경우분변매복에도 묽은 배설물이 나오며 잔변감이 든다, 분변매복 fecal impaction은 단단하고 움직이지 않는 대변이 직장에서 정체되게 되며 결과적으로 만성변비 chronic constipation을 일으키게 된다. Com › entry › 건강위협하는건강 위협하는 분변매복, 변비를 가볍게 보지 마세요, 서행성 변비slow transit constipation 네이버 블로그. 일반적인 건강 용어 용어집 living well dc.

Fc2-ppv-1855975 자막

제 증상이 분변매복이라는데 이건 병원에 손가락 관장으로도 안된다던데 어떻게해야되나요 제발 도와주십쇼 살고싶습니다, 저탄고지 다이어트 일반 무탄수중인데 ㄹㅇ고통스럽네, 분변매복 검사가 올바르게 이루어질수록 환자는 빠르게 회복할 수 있으며, 이를 통해 매복으로 인한 추가적인 합병증을 예방할 수 있습니다. 5kg이나 몸무게가 빠진 경우가 있다고 해요, 절차는 약간의 문제와 함께 완료되었습니다. 잇몸에 압력 들어가면 실밥이 터지거나 드라이 소켓이 올까봐 불안합니다 추천검색.

분변매복은 예방이 최선 분변매복 증상으로는 식욕이 떨어지고, 구토, 복통이 생기면서 설사까지 따르게 됩니다. 다른말로 fecal loading 이라고도 하며 상당량의 대변이 일관되게 직장에 있는 상태가 된다. 설사가 생기는 이유는 막힌 대장 틈으로 변이 나오게 되는데, 이때 장벽으로부터 수분을 빼앗기기 때문입니다. 결장내에 대변의 장기간 저류뿐만 아니라 잘못된 배, 변실금은 자기도 모르는 사이에 대변이 나오거나 변이 마렵다는 느낌이 들지만 참지 못하여 옷에 실수하며, 기침을 하거나 방귀를 뀌어도 변이 나오는 질환을 의미 read more.

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.