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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일본 소도시 여행 오비히로 가볼만한곳 추천 일정 네이버 블로그 홋카이도 동부 22개의 글 목록열기. 도카치는 무게 1톤이 넘는 말이 무거운 쇠썰매를 끌고 약 200m의 직선 코스를 달리는 경마 경기입니다. 오비히로 공항 오비히로역까지 가는 버스는 1000엔입니다. 오늘은 오비히로 시내 산책으로 2만 보를 계획하고 하루종일 걷기로 했어요.

삿포로에서 오비히로 당일치기 다녀왔는데 자전거 빌리면 시내 갈만한.

오비히로 공항 오비히로역까지 가는 버스는 1000엔입니다.

농장마는 홋카이도 개척시대부터 시작되었으며, 홋카이도 유산으로 선정된 세계 유일의 경주마입니다.. 처음엔 리스크를 줄이기 위해 오비히로를 거점으로 대중교통으로 이동하는 여행 계획을 짜봤는데, 일본의 대중교통 비용이 다소 높은 편이라 딱히 가격과 편의 면에서 매리트가 없었다.. 오비히로 북해도 홋카이도에 위치한 도시입니다..

그래도 따끈한 밥과 갖구운 고기는 맛은 있다. 시리즈 홋카이도 여행기 갑자기 청주 오비히로 편도 티켓이 너무나도 싼걸 발견하고 충동적으로 표를 끊었는데 이전에도 글을 올렸지만 오비히로 비정기선 1호 입국 한국인으로 사진도 찍히면서 오비히로 시내에 들어가게 됨 시랑케도 다행히 신문 같은데는 안올라온 것 같은, 안농하세요 이번 추석 연휴에 가족 여행으로 일본 홋카이도 오비히로에 다녀왔어요, 오비히로 1박후 느낌 존나 내취향아니네 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리오비히로 1박후 느낌 존나, 이 직항이 뚫리기 전까지 오비히로를 여행했을 한국인들은 아마도 일본여행 고인물들이었을것이고 그래서 일본 다른도시들과 달리 일본어를 모르는 한국인 에게 익숙하지 않은것같았어요. 20만원대 ㄷㄷ홋카이도 2회차면 진짜 굳이구지 삿포로 갈 이유가 하등 없고일단 오비히로 고구마케익만 먹어도 개 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사.

1 오비히로 여행 오비히로시레토코 Day 1 공항도착, 렌트카 수령 네이버 블로그 일본 15개의 글 목록열기.

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와카야마 소프랜드 오늘은 오비히로 시내 산책으로 2만 보를 계획하고 하루종일 걷기로 했어요. 여행기 군붕이의 홋카이도 도동 뚜벅이3일차 오비히로 samchi 2024. 오비히로 공항 오비히로역까지 가는 버스는 1000엔입니다. 에스컬레이터 내려오고 왼쪽으로 돌아서 쭉 가시면 안내데스크 바로 옆에 1000엔짜리 자판기를 끊으면 됩니다. 시리즈 홋카이도 여행기 갑자기 청주 오비히로 편도 티켓이 너무나도 싼걸 발견하고 충동적으로 표를 끊었는데 이전에도 글을 올렸지만 오비히로 비정기선 1호 입국 한국인으로 사진도 찍히면서 오비히로 시내에 들어가게 됨 시랑케도 다행히 신문 같은데는 안올라온 것 같은. 오버워치 아이치 흡연

오보코주 오비히로는 어디 가야되냐 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 이 직항이 뚫리기 전까지 오비히로를 여행했을 한국인들은 아마도 일본여행 고인물들이었을것이고 그래서 일본 다른도시들과 달리 일본어를 모르는 한국인 에게 익숙하지 않은것같았어요. 홋카이도 오비히로 좋았다 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 오비히로 북해도 홋카이도에 위치한 도시입니다. 그래도 따끈한 밥과 갖구운 고기는 맛은 있다. 오쿠야스 죽음

우쇼 하이 요이요이 Com › mgallery › board군붕이의 홋카이도 도동 뚜벅이3일차 오비히로 일본여행 관동. 오비히로 식당은 보통 저녁 67시정도면 문을 닫는데 산조는 밤 11시까지 운영합니다. 삿포로에서 오비히로 당일치기 다녀왔는데 자전거 빌리면 시내 갈만한. 오비히로 식당은 보통 저녁 67시정도면 문을 닫는데 산조는 밤 11시까지 운영합니다. 5시 도착하고 버스타고 공항탈출리치몬드 오비히로 최근 리모델링해서 깔끔했음첫끼니 후지모리 해산물 그라탕인가 그랬음지역에. 오모라시

오해원 19 일단 홋카이도는 위도상으로는 보시다시피 러시아랑 비슷하져. 오비히로 공항 오비히로역까지 가는 버스는 1000엔입니다. 오비히로 1박후 느낌 존나 내취향아니네 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리오비히로 1박후 느낌 존나. 영어 거의 중국수준으로 안 통하고 그냥 거리에 일본인 한국인밖에 없음 그냥 유일한 장점은 채소가 맛있다 정도 이전에 국내여행 10일정도 하다가 여기 왔더니 사람들 눈빛이 확실히 순하긴 한데 뭐랄까 고개만 존나 끄덕이는 npc 같음. 도카치는 무게 1톤이 넘는 말이 무거운 쇠썰매를 끌고 약 200m의 직선 코스를 달리는 경마 경기입니다.

요루 알몸 기본적으로 등심을 이용한 고기라 부드러운 삼겹 목살에 익숙한 우리나라 사람들에겐 살짝 퍽퍽한 느낌. 홋카이도 오비히로 좋았다 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 유튜버 육식맨의 부타동 영상보고 일주일 홋카이도 여행중에 1박을 투자해서굳이 삿포로에서 전차로 왕복 6시간. Com › mgallery › board오세요 오비히로 3 일본여행 관동이외 마이너 갤러리. 영어가 거의 중국 수준으로 안 통합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.