Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

时区：eastern standard time est. The specification for the eastern time zone is set forth at 49 c. 13 亿美元。 其次为 fidelity sol etf fsol，单日净流入为 289 万美元。. The boundary between eastern and central is set forth at 49 c.

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美国东部时间（eastern time，et）是协调世界时西五区（utc500）的标准时间，覆盖美国华盛顿哥伦比亚特区、纽约州、佛罗里达州等东部州及华盛顿特区，代表城市包括纽约、华盛顿。该时区每年3月第二个周日至11月第一个周日实行夏令时（utc400），期间与北京时间（东八区）时差缩短为12小时, 东部标准时间 和 伦敦 的当前时间。计算时差和最佳会议时间。, Com › item › 美国东部时间美国东部时间_百度百科. 2025年夏令时开始于：2025年3月9日周日 200 am ，将于2025年11月2日结束。 大家需要将家里的钟表顺时针拨一个小时 如下面右图所示。举个例子，早晨2点钟需要调成早晨3点钟。手机和连网电脑会自动更改。 2025年3月9日那个周日的早上，您能少睡1个小时。. This time zone is in use during standard time in north america, caribbean.

直播时间美东时间：1245 pm 北京时间：145 am. 5, and is listed in text and pdf 互联网档案馆 的 存檔，存档. 在new york city几点钟了？ 美国 new york 当前本地时间在 & 下次改变 在 new york city, 时区 americanew_york utc5. 直播时间美东时间：1245 pm 北京时间：145 am. 时区：eastern time et 调至utc 5 eastern standard time est。 当地时间已从0200 调慢一小时到0100。. 13 亿美元。 其次为 fidelity sol etf fsol，单日净流入为 289 万美元。.

确切的时间现在，时区，偏移到utc gmt和 北美东部夏令时间 （edt）的关键事实。. 本网页显示了当前 est 次的确切时间，以及 est 时区的相关信息，如时差，夏令时，地区和其他时区。est 是 utc5 时区的知名名称之一，比 utc 落后 5 个小时。. Com🎙️ 路德社节目时间表🔴 主频道《路德时评》📍 s. 确切的时间现在，时区，偏移到utc gmt和 北美东部夏令时间 （edt）的关键事实。. 4, and is listed in text 互联网档案馆 的 存檔，存档日期janu，, 美国东部时间（eastern time，et）是协调世界时西五区（utc500）的标准时间，覆盖美国华盛顿哥伦比亚特区、纽约州、佛罗里达州等东部州及华盛顿特区，代表城市包括纽约、华盛顿.

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过了万圣节，就又到了每年修改冬令时的时间。 本周日（11月5日）凌晨2点正式进入今年的冬令时，时间将在凌晨2点回调一小时。 这意味着大家可以在周六晚上多睡一个小时了。 2023年11月5日周日 200 am ，冬令时开始。 大家. Eastern standard time – est time zone. 时区：eastern time et 调至utc 5 eastern standard time est。 当地时间已从0200 调慢一小时到0100。. Eastern standard time. 🕰️ 直播时间： 美东时间：中午 1200 北京时间：次日凌晨 000 欧洲中部时间：下午 600 📺 每场直播约 1 小时，内容跨医学、情报、政治多维度. 2025年夏令时开始于：2025年3月9日周日 200 am ，将于2025年11月2日结束。 大家需要将家里的钟表顺时针拨一个小时 如下面右图所示。举个例子，早晨2点钟需要调成早晨3点钟。手机和连网电脑会自动更改。 2025年3月9日那个周日的早上，您能少睡1个小时。.

紐約的iana 时区标识符为americanew_york。 星期日 11月 2 2025. 美国东部时间（eastern time，et）是协调世界时西五区（utc500）的标准时间，覆盖美国华盛顿哥伦比亚特区、纽约州、佛罗里达州等东部州及华盛顿特区，代表城市包括纽约、华盛顿。该时区每年3月第二个周日至11月第一个周日实行夏令时（utc400），期间与北京时间（东八区）时差缩短为12小时. This time zone is in use during standard time in north america, caribbean. 东部标准时间 和 伦敦 的当前时间。计算时差和最佳会议时间。. Com › washingtonest美国美东时间_美东时间现在几点_美东时间与北京时间、时差对照表.

纽约 和 悉尼 的当前时间。计算时差和最佳会议时间。.. 紐約进入夏令时前eastern standard time与紐約时间一致，夏令时则比紐約时间慢 1 小时。 eastern standard time夏季与冬季时间一致。 eastern standard time的 iana 时区标识符有 americaatikokan, americajamaica 和 americapanama。.. Org › wiki › 北美东部时区北美东部时区 维基百科，自由的百科全书..

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코스어 항아 나이 紐約的iana 时区标识符为americanew_york。 星期日 11月 2 2025. Quickly convert eastern daylight time edt to time in beijing, china with this easytouse, modern time zone converter. This time zone is in use during standard time in north america, caribbean. Com🎙️ 路德社节目时间表🔴 主频道《路德时评》📍 s. Eastern standard time. 쿠퍼액으로 장난치는 여친

클리챈 The specification for the eastern time zone is set forth at 49 c. 4, and is listed in text 互联网档案馆 的 存檔，存档日期janu，. Hours ago 该网页提供了北京时间和北美东部时区（包括夏令时）之间的时间换算表，方便用户查询和比较。用户可以选择不同的日期和时间，查看两个时区的对应关系。. The boundary between eastern and central is set forth at 49 c. Eastern standard time est is 5 hours behind coordinated universal time utc. 크리스틴 리터 디시

클럽 담배냄새 디시 Eastern standard time est is 5 hours behind coordinated universal time utc. Eastern standard time. 时区：eastern time et 调至utc 5 eastern standard time est。 当地时间已从0200 调慢一小时到0100。. 多伦多 和 东部标准时间 的当前时间。计算时差和最佳会议时间。. The boundary between eastern and central is set forth at 49 c. 콜로 소 불법 사이트 디시

쿠도유라 🕰️ 直播时间： 美东时间：中午 1200 北京时间：次日凌晨 000 欧洲中部时间：下午 600 📺 每场直播约 1 小时，内容跨医学、情报、政治多维度. 美国东部时间（eastern time，et）是协调世界时西五区（utc500）的标准时间，覆盖美国华盛顿哥伦比亚特区、纽约州、佛罗里达州等东部州及华盛顿特区，代表城市包括纽约、华盛顿。该时区每年3月第二个周日至11月第一个周日实行夏令时（utc400），期间与北京时间（东八区）时差缩短为12小时. Eastern standard time est is 5 hours behind coordinated universal time utc. 紐約的iana 时区标识符为americanew_york。 星期日 11月 2 2025. Org › wiki › 北美东部时区北美东部时区 维基百科，自由的百科全书.

타츠마키 야스 美国东部时间（eastern time，et）是协调世界时西五区（utc500）的标准时间，覆盖美国华盛顿哥伦比亚特区、纽约州、佛罗里达州等东部州及华盛顿特区，代表城市包括纽约、华盛顿。该时区每年3月第二个周日至11月第一个周日实行夏令时（utc400），期间与北京时间（东八区）时差缩短为12小时. 🕰️ 直播时间： 美东时间：中午 1200 北京时间：次日凌晨 000 欧洲中部时间：下午 600 📺 每场直播约 1 小时，内容跨医学、情报、政治多维度. 13 亿美元。 其次为 fidelity sol etf fsol，单日净流入为 289 万美元。. 世界时间 紐約市 new york, 美国 united states 现在世界各地是什么时间？. 紐約进入夏令时前eastern standard time与紐約时间一致，夏令时则比紐約时间慢 1 小时。 eastern standard time夏季与冬季时间一致。 eastern standard time的 iana 时区标识符有 americaatikokan, americajamaica 和 americapanama。.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.