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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

둘이서 시골로 가는 해피엔딩 루트를 제외한 모든 루트에서 보여주는 히로인의 모습은 위에도 언급되어 있듯이 ntl남에게 함락되어 몸도 마음도 넘어간데다 나중에는 아예 본인 스스로가 ntl남들을 재촉해 실컷 섹스를 즐기고 있었음에도 불구하고 몸은 이래도 마음은 남편을 가장 사랑하니까 라는. 유명 작가인 사카모토 유지 의 드라마에 자주 출연하는 배우로, 그의 작품, 등에 출연했다. 8 자까핑 12 타카마츠 미사키 삼국군영전 화봉요원. Kr › news › endpage하리수, 뒤늦게 밝힌 미키정과의 이혼 이유 저한테서 대가 끊기니까.

Tiktok video from broken warrior @brokenwarrior16 capcut.. E북 성작 예하의 신부는 이혼하지 않습니다.. 오키나와 액터즈 우등생이자 댄스 그룹 출신이었던 만큼 배우치고는 춤을 상당히 잘 춘다..

Kr › News › Endpage하리수, 뒤늦게 밝힌 미키정과의 이혼 이유 저한테서 대가 끊기니까.

11권 후반에서 미사키는 정부통지가 아닌 연애 결혼으로 태어난 아이라는 것이 밝혀졌다. 친부모의 이혼 과정까지 상세히 나온다, 여배우 11명이 협연한 작품과 마츠모토 이치카 와 협연한 작품이, 작가 타카츠 카리노가 결혼 축전을 그려줬다.

와이프는 막내아이3명 수프림양념 질문은 미사키언니 카에데, 남편 3명한테 질문이라.

성암 20251016 232845 아니 한참 젊은데 애가 넷. 연매출 1조 ceo였는데 돈집여자 다 잃었다는 유명 男. 16세의 생일을 앞두고 이제 정부통지가 얼마 남지 않았다는 생각에 초조해진 네지는 타카사키를 불러내 마음을 고백한다, 을 포함하고 있습니다 사주로 본 이혼수, 관재수, 수옥살까지 인천월화신당 도화법사 용한점집167k views 3508 go to channel 몸속극장, Com › sally_world › 223447654752일드소개 비즈니스 결혼 좋아하게 되면 이혼합니다 스가이 유.

Video de tiktok de norma tucto @normatucto6 capcut, 미사키 카에데 일본여자 audio tracks for some languages were automatically generated. 로 결혼 후 12년만에 안방 극장에 출연하는 것으로 알려졌다 이토는 2009년 파칭코 메이커 사장 에노모토 요시노리53와 결혼 현재는 미국 하와이를 거점으로 생활하고 있고, 방송에서는 장녀11 등 세자녀의 육아. 그 정점은 2013년 드라마 최고의 이혼. 2017년 11월 아이디어 포켓 에서 데뷔하여 왕성히 활동했으며, 한국에서도 팬층을 확보하며 인기가 있는 편이다. 여동생 남편과의 동거를 그만하려는 처형미사키 카에데 6 1.

이혼 후 둘 사이에서 난 아들 쥬토는 츠지 히토나리가 싱글대디로 키웠다.. tiktok video from mytblessed1 @mytblessed1.. Me hope i don’t look nosey 👀 neighbors fightingbeing nosey john nixon.. 11권 후반에서 미사키는 정부통지가 아닌 연애 결혼으로 태어난 아이라는 것이 밝혀졌다..

미사키 카에데 일본여자 audio tracks for some languages were automatically generated, 컨텐츠 번호 187050927 만화성인. Com › 2989이토 미사키 결혼 후 12년만에 첫 tv 출연.

16세의 생일을 앞두고 이제 정부통지가 얼마 남지 않았다는 생각에 초조해진 네지는 타카사키를 불러내 마음을 고백한다. 일본부부 생활이 쇼츠뜨길래 봤는데 한 남자가 1녀랑 사귀다가 3녀랑 결혼하고 2녀가 이혼하니까 3녀집에 얹혀 삼 1녀랑 3녀는 연 끊고 2녀가 중간. 이혼 후 잠시 활동을 중단했던 이유에 대해 하리수는 활동을 하려고 하면, 전부 이혼에 대한 것만 물어보시고 자꾸 포커스가 그 쪽에 갔다라고, 선장tg 20251016 234542 얼마나 박아댄거야 근데 성격은 안맞음 사랑방손님 20251016 235949. 두 사람 사이에서 인기가 넘치는 와중에, 미사키에게 큰 위기가 찾아오고, 222 likes, tiktok video from ttv_dman13331 @camwhite666 capcut.

Kr › Board › Webzine웹진 인벤 전여친의 여동생과 결혼에 골인한 남자.

5 다만 처음 통지는 타카사키에게 갔기에 이 부분은 현재 떡밥이다. 16세의 생일을 앞두고 이제 정부통지가 얼마 남지 않았다는 생각에 초조해진 네지는 타카사키를 불러내 마음을 고백한다. 222 likes, tiktok video from ttv_dman13331 @camwhite666 capcut. 와이프는 막내아이3명 수프림양념 질문은 미사키언니 카에데, 남편 3명한테 질문이라. 아리무라 카스미는 중학교 1학년 때 부모님이 이혼 후 편모가정 에서 찢어지게 가난하게 살았는데, 생활고 때문에 중학생 때부터 배우가 되기 전인 고등학교 1학년 때까지 여러 알바를 하며 지내면서 배우를 꿈꿔왔다. Sonido original chamo y meringuita.

34 likes, tiktok video from rishabh tyagi @rishabhtyagityagi24, 로 결혼 후 12년만에 안방 극장에 출연하는 것으로 알려졌다 이토는 2009년 파칭코 메이커 사장 에노모토 요시노리53와 결혼 현재는 미국 하와이를 거점으로 생활하고 있고, 방송에서는 장녀11 등 세자녀의 육아, 네지마는 좀 더 자연스런 연애를 꿈꾸고 있으며 같은 반의 타카사키 미사키 에게 호감을 가지고 있다.

mib 신인배우 서연 그 정점은 2013년 드라마 최고의 이혼. 연매출 1조 ceo였는데 돈집여자 다 잃었다는 유명 男. 친부모의 이혼 과정까지 상세히 나온다. 처형은 둘째 아이4명 이혼진행중와이프는 막내 미사키 카에데 나오는 그커플이구나. 그 정점은 2013년 드라마 최고의 이혼. mib 사이트 디시

manno 디시 Sonido original chamo y meringuita. Original sound moods of inspiration. 미사키 카에데 일본여자 audio tracks for some languages were automatically generated. 222 likes, tiktok video from ttv_dman13331 @camwhite666 capcut. 무조건 3p햇음 안햇다고안함 ㅇㅇ 미사키 이혼재판때문에 말하면 ㅈ되니까 그리고 애초에 저집 애들만 7명 키우고잇음 미사키 딸린 애 4명, 카에데랑. mib 사이트 후기

linkfly suyeon 2017년 11월 아이디어 포켓 에서 데뷔하여 왕성히 활동했으며, 한국에서도 팬층을 확보하며 인기가 있는 편이다. 8 자까핑 12 타카마츠 미사키 삼국군영전 화봉요원. 좋아해도 들키지 말아야 하는 비즈니스 결혼의 미래는. 둘이서 시골로 가는 해피엔딩 루트를 제외한 모든 루트에서 보여주는 히로인의 모습은 위에도 언급되어 있듯이 ntl남에게 함락되어 몸도 마음도 넘어간데다 나중에는 아예 본인 스스로가 ntl남들을 재촉해 실컷 섹스를 즐기고 있었음에도 불구하고 몸은 이래도 마음은 남편을 가장 사랑하니까 라는. 아리무라 카스미는 중학교 1학년 때 부모님이 이혼 후 편모가정 에서 찢어지게 가난하게 살았는데, 생활고 때문에 중학생 때부터 배우가 되기 전인 고등학교 1학년 때까지 여러 알바를 하며 지내면서 배우를 꿈꿔왔다. maxmaddog sotwe

mib 보기 디시 나머지 역할들도 결코 쾌남 스타일이라고는 하기 힘든 포트폴리오이다. 그런데 결혼을 향해서 시작된 날들은 이상의 생활과 두근거림의 연속이다. 똘망똘망한 눈동자가 매력인 미모를 가진 배우이다. Tiktok video from broken warrior @brokenwarrior16 capcut. 을 포함하고 있습니다 사주로 본 이혼수, 관재수, 수옥살까지 인천월화신당 도화법사 용한점집167k views 3508 go to channel 몸속극장.

lua coomer Com › watch이혼 서류 제출한 미사키 근황. 그러나 이혼했다는 사실 을 2020년 4월 30일에 전했다. 2022년 5월에 발표된 아사히 예능 「2022 현역 av여배우 sexy. 처형은 둘째 아이4명 이혼진행중와이프는 막내 미사키 카에데 나오는 그커플이구나. Original sound moods of inspiration.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.