Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › 710571706추억의 빨간 마후라 사건 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아. 원래 시작할 때 나오는 제목은 비디오를 보다 이다. 빨간마후라 비디오를 보다 코요이 코난 은퇴 디시. 빨간마후라 사건이 터진 지난 97년에 이어 두번째로 큰 일을 겪으면서 y씨 역시 자포자기의 상태였다.

베티 블루 실제

베이글 Av

벨 딸감

동영상을 찍은 학생이 과거를 숨기고 잘 나가는 교수가 되었다고 가정했지만, 현실은 시궁창 이라 실제 학생의 인생은 그렇게 잘 풀리지 않았다.. 1997년 빨간마후라 비디오사건 ㄷㄷㄷ 추억거리 갤러리.. 서울 가정법원은 이른바 빨간마후라라는 이름의 음란비디오를 제작한 혐의로 구속 기소된 서울 모공고 2학년 김모군에게 6개월의 단기 소년원 송치 결정을 내리고 함께 음란비디오에 출연한 17살 안모군 등 3명에게는 보호관찰과 사회봉사명령을 내렸습니다..

벤틀리녀 Porn

이게 우리나라 최초의 포르노 비디오였다는군요. 이 테이프가 이렇게 인기를 끌고 이유는 자신들과 같은 10대들이 직접 만들었다는 점이 호기심을 자극하기 때문입니다. Com › 710571706추억의 빨간 마후라 사건 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아. 빨간 마후라부터 딥페이크까지보는 자 사라져야 끝난다.

보이루

연예인 경호원 디시 빨간마후라 야동게시판 오현경포르노 소라넷 보지구멍 100%무삭제 최신영화 + 음악+ 애니 + 드라마 + 성인자료 + 만화책p2p + 화상캠걸동영상 무료, 그 남자는 최양이 빨간마후라의 여주인공이라는 사실을 알고 있었다고 한다, 여기에 출연하는 10대들이 목에 빨간 스카프를 두르고 있기 때문입니다.

법과원칙 공정과 정의가 살아있는 나라를 만들어야 한다 시장경제 자유민주주의 실천 반공을 국시의 져1로 삼고 세계 평화를. 97년도에 빨간 마후라라는 미성년자 포르노가 제작됨당시 비디오를 본 사람의 증언여중생이 남고생이랑 단체 섹스하는 실제 미성년자 성착취물이였음여중생은 가출청소년이였는데 성폭행을 당했고집단섹스도 거부했, 빨간마후라 비디오 사건이 있은 뒤 최양은 소년원에서 4개월간 있다가 한 남자를 만나 강원도 철원에서 살림을 차렸다, 빨간마후라 비디오를 보다 코요이 코난 은퇴 디시. 1997년 큰 충격이었던 빨간 마후라 비디오 사건. 동영상을 찍은 학생이 과거를 숨기고 잘 나가는 교수가 되었다고 가정했지만, 현실은 시궁창 이라 실제 학생의 인생은 그렇게 잘 풀리지 않았다.

이게 우리나라 최초의 포르노 비디오였다는군요. 97년도에 빨간 마후라라는 미성년자 포르노가 제작됨당시 비디오를 본 사람의 증언여중생이 남고생이랑 단체 섹스하는 실제 미성년자 성착취물이였음여중생은 가출청소년이였는데 성폭행을 당했고집단섹스도 거부했, 최근 그 남자가 서울에 직장을 구하자 최양도 서울로 왔다, 기자 중고생들 사이에서 이 테이프는 빨간 마후라로 통합니다. 1997년 큰 충격이었던 빨간 마후라 비디오 사건.

부패의 사제 페미 Com › pressfree › 223347576872국내 최초 미성년 음란비디오 빨간마후라 사건 여주인공의 비극적인. 이 비디오는 남자친구와 그의 친구들의 복사를. 97년도에 빨간 마후라라는 미성년자 포르노가 제작됨당시 비디오를 본 사람의 증언여중생이 남고생이랑 단체 섹스하는 실제 미성년자 성착취물이였음여중생은 가출청소년. 10대女 알몸폭행 동영상은 제2의 빨간마후라. 빨간마후라 비디오를보다 간선상차 후 도착시간 디시. 불곰사업 디시

뱅가드 충돌 프로그램 목록 97년도에 빨간 마후라라는 미성년자 포르노가 제작됨당시 비디오를 본 사람의 증언여중생이 남고생이랑 단체 섹스하는 실제 미성년자 성착취물이였음여중생은 가출청소년이였는데 성폭행을 당했고집단섹스도 거부했. 기자 중고생들 사이에서 이 테이프는 빨간 마후라로 통합니다. 예전에 학교선생님의 썰로는 전교생들 운동장에 집합시키고 교사들이 학생 사물함, 가방들을 뒤지면서 비디오 소지한 사람들 적. 10대로 추정되는 여학생들이 또 다른 여학생들에게 알몸인 상태로 서로 폭행하게 하는 동영상이 유포돼 논란이 일고 있다. 빨간 마후라부터 딥페이크까지보는 자 사라져야 끝난다. 보험팔이 특징

보쿠아카 빨간마후라 비디오를보다 간선상차 후 도착시간 디시. 예전에 학교선생님의 썰로는 전교생들 운동장에 집합시키고 교사들이 학생 사물함, 가방들을 뒤지면서 비디오 소지한 사람들 적. Com › board › view1997년 큰 충격이었던 빨간 마후라 비디오 사건 실시간 베스트 갤러. 서울 가정법원은 이른바 빨간마후라라는 이름의 음란비디오를 제작한 혐의로 구속 기소된 서울 모공고 2학년 김모군에게 6개월의 단기 소년원 송치 결정을 내리고 함께 음란비디오에 출연한 17살 안모군 등 3명에게는 보호관찰과 사회봉사명령을 내렸습니다. 이 테이프가 이렇게 인기를 끌고 이유는 자신들과 같은 10대들이 직접 만들었다는 점이 호기심을 자극하기 때문입니다. 보빌객

베일리 석 얼굴 여기에 출연하는 10대들이 목에 빨간 스카프를 두르고 있기 때문입니다. 주제곡빨간 마후라 자니 브라더즈작곡황문평 노트 625전쟁을 배경으로 하고 있으나, 전쟁보다는 조종사들의 군인정신, 의리와 사랑을 낭만적으로 그린. 법과원칙 공정과 정의가 살아있는 나라를 만들어야 한다 시장경제 자유민주주의 실천 반공을 국시의 져1로 삼고 세계 평화를. 97년도에 빨간 마후라라는 미성년자 포르노가 제작됨당시 비디오를 본 사람의 증언여중생이 남고생이랑 단체 섹스하는 실제 미성년자 성착취물이였음여중생은 가출청소년이였는데 성폭행을 당했고집단섹스도 거부했. 원래 시작할 때 나오는 제목은 비디오를 보다 이다.

베일리 석 성형 전 Com › board › view1997년 큰 충격이었던 빨간 마후라 비디오 사건 실시간 베스트 갤러. 10대女 알몸폭행 동영상은 제2의 빨간마후라. 여기에 출연하는 10대들이 목에 빨간 스카프를 두르고 있기 때문입니다. 등장인물이 빨간 머플러를 착용해 빨간 마후라 영상으로 불린다. 다양한 추측들오고 갔는데, 해당 비디오가 어른들에 의해서 만들어졌고 팔렸다는 것이였지.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.