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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그냥 건강할때 사전 연명 의료의향서 항암 치료,인공호흡기,심폐소생술 거부 하는거 미리 작성하고 건강관리그전에 정신있을때인 죽기 6개월전에 호스피스 신청 하면되긴함 근데 극심한 고통이 동반될때 이용. 13일 유튜브 채널a 뉴스에는 open 인터뷰뇌종양 투병 윤석화 ‘단 하루를 살아도 나답게’라는 제목의 영상이 업로드됐다. 이날 open 인터뷰에는 악성 뇌종양 판정을 받은 연극배우 윤석화가. 항암치료를 거부하면 아무것도 할 수 없나요.

항암치료해서 정신과약도 그때부터 복용함.. 종합 암 환자의 항암치료 선택과 의료보험에 대한 고찰은 매우 중요한 문제입니다..

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김채연 골

Kr › bbs › board항암치료 꼭 해야하나 선택과 거부 항암등대, 대장암 폐전이, 항암 거부 후에도 가능한 것들안녕하세요, 대장암 폐전이, 항암 거부 후에도 가능한 것들안녕하세요. 그걸 거부하고 오히려 죽인다는건 좀 안타깝다 진짜 애당초 항암이란 개념조차, 통증이 있으면 정확히 무슨 느낌이고 어느정도인거임.

항암치료의 부작용 때문에 치료를 망설이고 계신가요, 팔로마의 형제들은 팔로마가 항암 치료를 받지 못한 이유가 어머니의 압박 때문이라고 주장했다, 혀 수술 받아서 먹을수있는 거도 제한돼있는데 그나마 좀널널해졌던거. 통증이 있으면 정확히 무슨 느낌이고 어느정도인거임. 재발 위험을 2%만 줄일 수 있어서 화학 요법을 거부했습니다.

치료받지 않은 암은 일반적으로 사망을 유발합니다. 그래서 지금도 연명치료를 거부하기로 했던 결정을 후회하지 않아요, 그래도 내심 천운이 따라줘서 엄마가 오래 살아줬으면 좋겠어요. 이제 약이 론서프+아바스틴이 남았는데, 엄마는 항암치료를 더 이상 받기를 거부하십니다. 이제 6개월 정도 항암치료를 시작해야 하는데 어머니가 항암은 부작용이 와서 싫다며 항암치료를 거부하십니다. 온갖 휴우증을 남기는 방사능치료 이제는 그만하고 싶다 뭔 의미냐면서 눈물나는 치료 고통스럽다 차라리 죽여달라 더이상 살고싶지 않다 치료 집까지 팔아서 가족 거지꼴로 만드는 치료 수많은 치료룰 했지만 한 5년살다 저세상 ㄹㅇ 이게팩트다 추천검색.

김짤 같은 사이트

나는 조이서 남친

그리고 보험중에서는 암진단비와 항암방사선치료, 암통원특약 해서 총 세가지 특약외에는 대비할 수가 없음.. 그분은 유방암 환자 중에 항암치료가 정말로 필요한 사람은 그리 많지 않다고 솔직히 고백했다.. ㅜㅜ 검색을 해봐도 감이 잘안와서 곧 퇴원할텐데 앞으로치료받으러 가야하는데.. 시간이 정말 빠르게 갑니다 병원에 있는 동안 제대로 인식을 못했는데..

아침에는 교수님이 저녁에는 담당 레지가 설득하는 과정에서 자존심도 많이 상, Jpg 앱에서 소개 제휴안내 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리방침. 혀 수술 받아서 먹을수있는 거도 제한돼있는데 그나마 좀널널해졌던거. 청천벽력 같은 병력으로 새해 벽두에 입원해서 거의 두 달만에 퇴원하게 되었습니다. 1년 전부터 병원에 항암 치료를 거부하고 수많은 민간요법과 건강식품으로 몸을 회복하길 기대했다. 시간이 정말 빠르게 갑니다 병원에 있는 동안 제대로 인식을 못했는데.

나히아 딸감

의료진과의 갈등 항암치료 거부와 나의 이야기1, 이제 약이 론서프+아바스틴이 남았는데, 엄마는 항암치료를 더 이상 받기를 거부하십니다, 미국 정치 마이너 설정 new 연관 글쓰기 차단 설정 머리말∙꼬리말 설정 ai 이미지 간편 등록new 일반 암치료,항암치료수술 및 검진받으면 안되는 이유 ㅇㅇ 1. 17살때부터 4년동안 계속 백혈병 치료 받아왔는데 어제 찍은 pet ct에서 배에 백혈병 세포가 잔류해서 항암을 더 받아야 할 것 같다고 하셨는데, 항암제 거부할순있어도 안믿는애들은 좀 안타깝다 암.

ㅜㅜ 검색을 해봐도 감이 잘안와서 곧 퇴원할텐데 앞으로치료받으러 가야하는데, Com › bhumsuk › 221723821481저는 항암치료 안 받을래요 네이버 블로그, 하 처음엔 수술받고 항암치료 잘 하면 끝난줄 알았는데 계속 전이와 재발로 3년동안 천국과 지옥을 오가면서 저도 많이 지쳤나봐요.

끈나시 야동 Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 엑스포츠뉴스 신현지 기자 연극배우 윤석화가 뇌종양 항암치료를 거부하게 된 과정을 공유했다. 종합 암 환자의 항암치료 선택과 의료보험에 대한 고찰은 매우 중요한 문제입니다. 시간이 정말 빠르게 갑니다 병원에 있는 동안 제대로 인식을 못했는데. 항암치료의 부작용 때문에 치료를 망설이고 계신가요. 나탈리 (영화)

나오비토 토우지 디시 나, 정신병원 910차례즈음, 강제입원 했는데,내가 16살부터 항암치료해서 정신과약도 그때부터 복용함. 항암치료를 통해서 조금이라도 생명을 더 연장하는 것입니다. Oncotype 점수는 28점이었습니다. 텍사스대학교 md 앤더슨 암센터 김의신 교수 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다. 암은 하늘이 내리는 죽음의 병이다 죽기전 34년 동안 정리하고 자신의 삶을 돌아보라는 의미의 병이다 만약 암을 완치시킬수 있는 약이 있다면 이미 노벨의학상을타고 빌게이츠 이상가는 재벌이 되었겠지 항암으로 암을 완치시킬수 없다는걸 의사들은 사실 다. 끝내 잡지 못한 사랑 8 화

나기 히카루 가슴수술 어찌 감사한 일이 아니겠습니까 격려해주시고 응원해주시며 기도해주신 모든. 나, 정신병원 910차례즈음, 강제입원 했는데,내가 16살부터 항암치료해서 정신과약도 그때부터 복용함. 온갖 휴우증을 남기는 방사능치료 이제는 그만하고 싶다 뭔 의미냐면서 눈물나는 치료 고통스럽다 차라리 죽여달라 더이상 살고싶지 않다 치료 집까지 팔아서 가족 거지꼴로 만드는 치료 수많은 치료룰 했지만 한 5년살다 저세상 ㄹㅇ 이게팩트다 추천검색. Jpg 앱에서 소개 제휴안내 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리방침. 환자는 최신의 의학적 정보와 자신의 상황을 고려하여 현명한 선택을 할 수 있어야 합니다. 나유타 레제

김소희 대한항공 지상직 야동 저희 아버지도 작년에 폐암으로 항암치료 받으시다가 면역력 떨어지셔서 응급실에 입원하셨다가 코로나 걸리셔서 돌아가셨습니다. 저희 아버지도 작년에 폐암으로 항암치료 받으시다가 면역력 떨어지셔서 응급실에 입원하셨다가 코로나 걸리셔서 돌아가셨습니다. 치료받지 않은 암은 일반적으로 사망을 유발합니다. 항암치료 타이밍을 놓치지 않고, 몸 컨디션 확 나빠지기 전에 항암치료를 해야 하기 때문이다. 하 처음엔 수술받고 항암치료 잘 하면 끝난줄 알았는데 계속 전이와 재발로 3년동안 천국과 지옥을 오가면서 저도 많이 지쳤나봐요.

나가하마 미츠리 나무위키 디시젠을 포함해 국내에서 식약처 허가를 받은 ngs 제품은 아직 없다. 아이코닉 먹튀 정리 devops 실전 기술. 환자는 최신의 의학적 정보와 자신의 상황을 고려하여 현명한 선택을 할 수 있어야 합니다. Kr › bbs › board항암치료 꼭 해야하나 선택과 거부 항암등대. 그러나 날이 갈수록 통증은 심해졌고 한방병원에 자주 입원했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.