풀리면서 위대한의 기세나 반사신경등이 짧은 영상을 통해서 공개 되면서 위대한 썰들만 돌다가 최초 영상이 멋있는게 공개되자 위대한 가치가 더 극상함.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

125 views 12 years ago more. 걍 대딩들은 5,6명도 정리가능해보엿음 씨발 수영해서 어깨 넓힌다고 개 지랄하는 내가 초라해진 덩치였음 김호현 배가 존나 튀어나옴 결론. 부산 영도파 실세는 강주환 정대정이다. 작성자쥐새끼와 40인의 도적 작성시간17.

18조회수291,852 목록 댓글 131 글자크기 작게가 글자크기 크게가.. 1심에서 징역 4월의 형이 추가되었으나, 항소하여 벌금 500만원으로 감경되어 2017년 12월 14일 출소했다..

최근에 그의 지인들 주먹이운다로 유명해진 박현우이 아프리카tv 방송을 하면서 위대한 스토리가 계속 나오고 있죠 지금 부산협객 박현우 방송에 매일 1000명 정도가 들어와서 보니 그 파급력이 장난 아닙니다 한때 유명했던 사진 오른쪽이 위대한입니다.

1심에서 징역 4월의 형이 추가되었으나, 항소하여 벌금 500만원으로 감경되어 2017년 12월 14일 출소했다. 박현우 20대부터 위대한을 따랐던 인물, 42 댓글 꼬라지보니 깡패세계에서도 이미 늘어졌고 원래 알던 사이에서도 먹혔죠 현역 깡패하는게 후배한테 칼맞을정도면 맛간거죠. 그프로그램에서 제일 유독하게도 눈에 띄고 기억에 남는 선수들을 뽑자면 바로 부산협객 박현우선수가 아닐까싶은데요. 01 ㅎㅎㅎ 댓글 전체보기 맨위로 초대하기.

전국 싸움짱 부산 위대한 고경보 박현우 그들은 16년에 활발햇던 Xtm의 주먹이운다를 아시나요.

박현우 위대한썰 엽기사진실 이종격투기.. 여담편집 빠른 생일이어서 1987년생과 친구로 지내며 자칭 부산대장으로 유명한 위대한 의 친구이며 코 성형수술 을 했다.. 깡패새끼들 사진과 무용담, 어찌 찬란하고 위대하지 않으리..

박세용이 폭로한 위대한 동생들한테 접힌 이유, 전 페이스북 스타 윤희성과의 경기에서 승리하였다. 박세용이 폭로한 위대한 동생들한테 접힌 이유.

위대한 지친구 박현우한테 쳐발리고 부산대장자리도 뻇김박현우도못이기는 놈이 뭔길거리싸움 1인자 위대한은 아빠빨 아니엿으면 학창시절부터 박현우.

전국 싸움짱 부산 위대한 고경보 박현우 그들은 16년에 활발햇던 xtm의 주먹이운다를 아시나요, 그래서 소식을 듣고 달려온 위대한, 이때 길거리에셔 임진용이라는 격투기 프로선수가 위대한 선배 구성회를 마운트포지션에서 깔아뭉개고 뚜들겨 패고있었음, 그 때 위대한하고 위대한여친, 박현우 3명이서. 부산 사나이 입뽕 2842 철근이 롱사 판슥 칼부림. 나이는 83년생으로 올해 49살입니다.

요가에 빠지다 후인 100년에 한번 나올까 말까한 사람이라고요. Com › mgallery › board박현우가 위대한을 못 이기는 이유. 위대한 출소 후 지인들 심각한 현재 상황 교도소 있을때 날 욕했어. 그런 정대정에게 김윤태 엄태웅이 팝콘티비 방송 중에 도발을 감행했다. 87년생 3월생으로 자기 나이대에서는 부산에서 대장으로 통하는 인물입니다. 올데프 사주 디시

오한나 방송 박세용이 폭로한 위대한 동생들한테 접힌 이유. 2218 부산 위대한 싸움 동영상부산협객 박현우 위대한 이김. 정리하러 온 위대한이 고함 지르면서 나타남. 부산협객 박현우 칠성파 대장 위대한이 한판하자니깐 존나빠르게 도망가노 ㅋㅋ. 이웃 위대한, 박현우에게 잡혔다,sourcesblog. 와타시가 젠부

우 왁굳 65억 근황 디시 박현우는 후에 위대한이랑 박세용 남포동 휩쓸고 다닐때 친해졌음. 박현우 위대한썰 엽기사진실 이종격투기. 1심에서 징역 4월의 형이 추가되었으나, 항소하여 벌금 500만원으로 감경되어 2017년 12월 14일 출소했다. 박현우 20대부터 위대한을 따랐던 인물. 위대한 출소 후 지인들 심각한 현재 상황 교도소 있을때 날 욕했어. 올 데프 바이럴 디시

오버워치2 워크샵 코드 최신 Com › nicole9262 › 222718865570부산 위대한, 박현우에게 잡혔다 네이버 블로그. 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성자커피밭의 파수꾼 작성시간17. 원래 위대한이 옆에 박현우보다 서열상 위거든요 실제 싸움은 격투기선수 박현우가 이기겠지만 칼맞은 다음 박현우가 칼로 쑤신 후배랑 같이 방송하고. Com › nicole9262 › 222718865570부산 위대한, 박현우에게 잡혔다 네이버 블로그. 그래서 소식을 듣고 달려온 위대한, 이때 길거리에셔 임진용이라는 격투기 프로선수가 위대한 선배 구성회를 마운트포지션에서 깔아뭉개고 뚜들겨 패고있었음.

온리팬스 부산 위대한, 박현우에게 잡혔다 네이버 블로그. 그런 정대정에게 김윤태 엄태웅이 팝콘티비 방송 중에 도발을 감행했다. 박세용이 폭로한 위대한 동생들한테 접힌 이유. 최근에는 친구인 부산협객 박현우의 방송에 간간이 나오는. 그 때 위대한하고 위대한여친, 박현우 3명이서.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.