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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

엘리트 데인저러스에서 탐험하면서 온갖 종류의 행성과 별들을 보는 게 재밌었어. 단짝이 된 두 여고생은 점차 서로를 향한 광기를 드러내고 전교 1등을 향한 피 튀기는 경쟁이 펼쳐진다. 이 만화는 1970년대 초부터 시작되었어. Com › community › board삼촌이 조카 생활비 가져다 사업하는 만화.

Com › 7065244341실화막내 외삼촌과 16살 차이나는 여조카 만화 유머움짤이슈.. 후지모토 타츠키의 작품 세계의 출발이 되는 만화를 애니메이션으로 만들었다.. This content isnt available.. 제목 선의의 경쟁 작가 송채윤 글, 심재영 그림 장르 학원, 성장, 우정, 경쟁, 스릴러 사이트 네이버 웹툰 평점 7..

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동생을 구한 오빠의 슬픈 남매 이야기. 한가을은 지난 2022년 데뷔한 신인으로 배우 김태희 등이 소속된 스토리제이, Com › @dasima08 › series조카 만화 다시만화, 삼촌이 조카 생활비 가져다 사업하는 만화 스크랩 공유 82.

연개소문 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 조카는 외국 선교 활동을 갔다가 만난 독일 남자랑 몇 년 장거리 연애를 하더니 우리 모두를 놀라게. Com › 7065244341실화막내 외삼촌과 16살 차이나는 여조카 만화 유머움짤이슈, 뉴스 비활성화빙즈 채널 알림알림 중구독구독 중구독 취소 구독자 127명알림수신 2명 @darknessssssssss. 665년은 고구려 말기의 장군이자 정치인이다.

아무것도 없이 명문고등학교로 전학와서 소외될 거라 생각한 것과는 달리, 유 제이를 만나면서 이전의 학교생활과는 180도, 완벽해보이는 제이와 순박한 전학생 슬기, 신기한게 평소 데면데면했던 형제지간도 조카태어나면 애들이 너무 이뻐서 뭐든지 다 해주고 싶고 예뻐해주게됨, 화 완결, comic, 드라마, 줄거리 명문 여고에서 일어나는 소녀들의 피 튀기는 경쟁, 작가 송채윤 심재영.

엘리트 데인저러스에서 탐험하면서 온갖 종류의 행성과 별들을 보는 게 재밌었어.. 510 줄거리 지방고등학교 전교 1등이었던 우 슬기.. 한가을은 지난 2022년 데뷔한 신인으로 배우 김태희 등이 소속된 스토리제이.. 동생을 구한 오빠의 슬픈 남매 이야기..

신인 연기자 한가을황가을이 배우 원빈의 조카라는 사실이 알려져 화제다. Com › postview삼촌이 조카 생활비 가져다 사업하는 만화 네이버 블로그. 걸그룹의 컴백시기와 내쉬균형nashs equilibrium. 이 만화는 1970년대 초부터 시작되었어. 뉴스 비활성화빙즈 채널 알림알림 중구독구독 중구독 취소 구독자 127명알림수신 2명 @darknessssssssss.

외계인에게 정복당한 지구를 배경으로 한 공상과학 이야기이다. 아침시선 `82년생 김지영`의 셋째 낳기. 이 만화는 1970년대 초부터 시작되었어. 노기와 카에데 부탁이다 돌아와 다오 로리피페타락만화가는 흔치않단말이다.

스압 막내 외삼촌과 16살차이나는 만화쟁이 조카.

웹툰만화 조카딸 20년 전 헤어진 나의 첫사랑 은혜 누나의 죽음 그리고 장례식장에서 만난 그녀와 똑 닮은 그녀의 두 딸. 웹툰만화 조카딸,frischer wind,la nipote,cercle privé,family adjustments,ajustes de familia,恋你如初恋,a sobrinha,神似初戀的她,同じ屋根の下で二度目の初恋, Net › 534479386스압 막내 외삼촌과 16살차이나는 만화쟁이 조카.

삼촌이 조카 생활비 가져다 사업하는 만화 razo ・ 2025, 데일리 핫이슈 신인 한가을 원빈의 친조카, 배우 이이경. 울조카 세계최고 귀엽다주관적기준비정기연재, Profile_image ⅹ나그네ⅹ ip보기클릭118.

Com › Truth_o › 222057887900웹툰 리뷰 선의의 경쟁 네이버 블로그.

웹툰만화 선의의 경쟁 완벽해보이는 제이와 순박한 전학생 슬기. Com › board › view표절핑 좋아하는 조카때문에 고통받는 만화 프리파라 갤러리. Com › community › board삼촌이 조카 생활비 가져다 사업하는 만화. 197273년에 걸쳐 쇼가쿠칸 빅코믹에 연재된 데즈카 오사무의 만화.

霧島レオナ インスタ 아무것도 없이 명문고등학교로 전학와서 소외될 거라 생각한 것과는 달리, 유 제이를 만나면서 이전의 학교생활과는 180도. Com › community › board삼촌이 조카 생활비 가져다 사업하는 만화. Com › sniperriflesr2 › 223676842382삼촌인 나를 항상 위로해주는 조카 오리지널 만화 웹코믹. 노기와 카에데 부탁이다 돌아와 다오 로리피페타락만화가는 흔치않단말이다. Manhwa 형님이새끼웃는데요 2024. 가슴 만진썰

笔盒永久地址 197273년에 걸쳐 쇼가쿠칸 빅코믹에 연재된 데즈카 오사무의 만화. 아침시선 `82년생 김지영`의 셋째 낳기. 외계인에게 정복당한 지구를 배경으로 한 공상과학 이야기이다. 옛날에, 만화가작가 잭 커비는 오랫동안 몸담았던 마블을 떠나 dc로 갔어. 물론 이 이야기 속의 삼촌은 그 중에서도 특별한 케이스기는 하지만. 가치아쿠타 아모 성우

迷玩直男 sotwe 완벽해보이는 제이와 순박한 전학생 슬기. 울조카 세계최고 귀엽다주관적기준비정기연재. 웹툰만화 선의의 경쟁 완벽해보이는 제이와 순박한 전학생 슬기. 후지모토 타츠키의 작품 세계의 출발이 되는 만화를 애니메이션으로 만들었다. 이 만화는 1970년대 초부터 시작되었어. 弓乃りむ pikpak

간즈이 웹툰만화 조카딸 20년 전 헤어진 나의 첫사랑 은혜 누나의 죽음 그리고 장례식장에서 만난 그녀와 똑 닮은 그녀의 두 딸. 대회 같은 것을 만들어서 애들을 경쟁 구도로 몰아넣는다며 사회를 비판했던 내가, 가짜 상장으로 조카에게 사기를 쳤다는 게 부끄러워졌다. 물론 이 이야기 속의 삼촌은 그 중에서도 특별한 케이스기는 하지만. 웹툰만화 조카딸 20년 전 헤어진 나의 첫사랑 은혜 누나의 죽음 그리고 장례식장에서 만난 그녀와 똑 닮은 그녀의 두 딸. 대회 같은 것을 만들어서 애들을 경쟁 구도로 몰아넣는다며 사회를 비판했던 내가, 가짜 상장으로 조카에게 사기를 쳤다는 게 부끄러워졌다.

가족 히토미 Net › 534479386스압 막내 외삼촌과 16살차이나는 만화쟁이 조카. 웹툰만화 조카딸 20년 전 헤어진 나의 첫사랑 은혜 누나의 죽음 그리고 장례식장에서 만난 그녀와 똑 닮은 그녀의 두 딸. 조카와 이모가 유일하게 대화가 통하는 것이 바로 네이버 웹툰 입니다. 제목 선의의 경쟁 작가 송채윤 글, 심재영 그림 장르 학원, 성장, 우정, 경쟁, 스릴러 사이트 네이버 웹툰 평점 7. 주인공 남은남은 조카에게 어느 정도 이상은 노력할 수 없는 자신을 인정하고 그 한계 내에서 최선을 다해 사랑을 주려고 한다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.