무명의 더쿠 20260126 102027 근데 인천이 더 빡샐것 같슴 5.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

노쇼 사기 캄보디아 일당 49명 부산 압송 194명 홀린 69억. 부산의 핵심을 찐하게 즐기고 싶은 분들께 완전 추천합니다. 부산서 6년 산 사람의 추천 맛집 29곳 고옥과 이재모는 맛있음 수변최고돼지국밥은 별로 부산 맛집. 최 교수는 부산을 국내에서 가장 문화적인 도시로 규정했는데 그 근거로 부산콘서트홀이 조성됐고 부산오페라하우스 건립이 진행 중이며, 영향력 있는.

무명의 더쿠 20260130 105926 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다.

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Jpg 343 4 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

무명의 더쿠 20260126 102103 임박편은 지금이야 6.

안녕 얘들아 어제 3일차 여행기를 너무 좋아해줘서 오늘 조큼 웃겨야된다는 부담감이 있었지만 시작해볼게 오늘은 조금 노잼일 수 있어😂😅 오늘의 여행계획 톤쇼우 예약 무계획이 계획이다 한복 프로필사진 촬영 이것이었어 톤쇼우 두번가보고 실망해서 원래 안가려고했는데 친구가 우리가, 부산지역 대학생들의 mt의 성지이자 서핑의 메카 해동용궁사와 이어지는 갈맷길을 따라 걸어가보는것도 괜찮음. 우리나라 제2의 수도라 불리는 ‘부산’.

공지가 길다면 한번씩 눌러서 읽어주시면 됩니다. 8월에 갈건데 혹시 뚜벅이들한테 추천할만한 가성비 숙소 있을까, 무명의 더쿠 20260130 105926 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다, Days ago 이슈 그분🪳도 찾아오신 부산 기장 떡볶이 맛집 3,621 50, 오륙도 스카이워크 동생말전망대 해안산책로 4. 감성 골목부터 시원한 바닷가까지 전부 누비기 좋은 날씨입니다.

윤자료 60호 부산서 6년 산 사람의 추천 맛집 29곳. 노쇼 사기 캄보디아 일당 49명 부산 압송 194명 홀린 69억. 8월에 갈건데 혹시 뚜벅이들한테 추천할만한 가성비 숙소 있을까. 단, 정상까지 가야 촬영포인트가 나오므로 1시간정도 등산을 해야함. 부산지역 대학생들의 mt의 성지이자 서핑의 메카 해동용궁사와 이어지는 갈맷길을 따라 걸어가보는것도 괜찮음. 윤잉 asmr 역전관계

유키 빨간약 감성 골목부터 시원한 바닷가까지 전부 누비기 좋은 날씨입니다. 더베이베이커리 웨이팅이 절대 아깝지않은집 꼭 오픈런하길. 매주 토요일 오후 저녁시간대에 무료로 최상층을 개방하고 있음. 무명의 더쿠 20260126 102126 인천 임박 때문에 이렇게 빡센거구나 ㅠㅠㅠㅠ난 부산출발잡으려는데 너무 빡세다. 부산지역 대학생들의 mt의 성지이자 서핑의 메카 해동용궁사와 이어지는 갈맷길을 따라 걸어가보는것도 괜찮음. 유콘 섹스

육변기 영어로 디시 원래 여름 휴가때 아무데도 안가거든 너무너무 더워서 그냥 집에 방콕하고 있음 친구랑도 그땐 안만남 더워서 만나고싶지않음ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 그러다 이번 휴가때는 뭐라도 해보자 싶어서 부산에 1박 2일로 다녀왔어 꼭 코스 요리를 먹고 싶어서 찾아봤는데 광안리에서는 나의 욕구를 채워줄만한. Com › 부산맛집더쿠추천부산맛집 더쿠 추천. 음식 부산 여행 40만원으로 3박 4일 다녀온 간단 후기. 제30회 부산국제영화제 온 스크린 섹션의 공식 초청작으로 선정되었다. 맛있는 음식점 10곳의 선정 기준은 무엇인가요. 이구로 미츠리 야스

이모의 몸이 너무 원래 여름 휴가때 아무데도 안가거든 너무너무 더워서 그냥 집에 방콕하고 있음 친구랑도 그땐 안만남 더워서 만나고싶지않음ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 그러다 이번 휴가때는 뭐라도 해보자 싶어서 부산에 1박 2일로 다녀왔어 꼭 코스 요리를 먹고 싶어서 찾아봤는데 광안리에서는 나의 욕구를 채워줄만한. 높은 곳에 올라가 내려다보는 탁 트인 경치는 일상에서 느꼈던 스트레스와 답답함을 훌훌 날려버리기에 충분하다. 단, 정상까지 가야 촬영포인트가 나오므로 1시간정도 등산을 해야함. Net › travel › 4073924452더쿠 진짜 특가 잡으니깐 서울부산 케이티엑스 가격이야 ㅋㅋ. 매주 토요일 오후 저녁시간대에 무료로 최상층을 개방하고 있음.

윤녕 재형 연애 기간 마파두부밥이랑 짜장면도 시켰는데 마파두부가 알싸해서 궁합이 좋았음. 부산 전망 좋은 루프탑 카페로 유명한 곳은 기장 헤이든, 기장 웨이브온커피, 영도 신기산업, 해운대 포트1902, 해운대 엣지993, 기장 카페로쏘, 송정 카페윤, 영도 카린영도플레이스, 영도 카페드220볼트, 영도 오구, 금정산성 헤이든신씨어, 기장 메르데쿠르, 기장. 바이럴말고 진짜 후기가 궁금해서 아니면 페어필드 송도비치는 어떤지 가본사람 있음 후기좀 부탁해 해운대랑 먼거 알고있음 꼭. Cj enm에서 공식으로 운영하는 백아진 배우 팬. 노쇼 사기 캄보디아 일당 49명 부산 압송 194명 홀린 69억 원대 사기극 공무원 등 사칭해 물품 대금 뜯어내 20대 청년들 고액 알바 유혹에 범죄.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.