오는 17일 첫 방송되는 mbc, studio x+u의 공동 제작 초대형 프로젝트 ‘기후환경 프로젝트남극의 셰프’ 남극의 셰프는 백종원, 임수향, 수호, 채종협이 남극 과학 기지를 지키고 있는 대원들에게 ‘따뜻한 한 끼’를 대접하는 과정을 담은 리얼리티 프로그램이다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

충격적인 전개와 별도로 여경래에 대한 시청자의. Kr › article › 25382863방송 복귀 백종원 남극행, 사명감 같은 것&mldr. Net › square › 3987442607더쿠 충격적인 백종원 출연 프로그램 &grave. 백종원 남극 촬영팀 다녀간 이후 남극 세종기지 식자재 부족.

백종원 더본코리아 대표가 남극의 셰프로 약 6개월 만에 방송에 복귀한다.

그래서 가장 중요한 능력 1순위는 해동, 식재료 보관 능력이라고 생각합니다. 여기서도 방출 1명 결정전에서 철가방 요리사에게 또한번의 명대사를 날리면서 이미지 각인에 성공시켰고 백종원이 미션 중 유심히 봤던 잔반통 점검을, 오는 17일 첫 방송되는 mbc, studio x+u의 공동 제작 초대형 프로젝트 ‘기후환경 프로젝트남극의 셰프’ 남극의 셰프는 백종원, 임수향, 수호, 채종협이 남극 과학 기지를 지키고 있는 대원들에게 ‘따뜻한 한 끼’를 대접하는 과정을 담은 리얼리티 프로그램이다, 외식사업가 겸 방송인 백종원 더본코리아 대표가 mbc 남극의 셰프에 이어 넷플릭스 흑백요리사까지 출연을 예고했다. Mbc 측은 3일 남극의 셰프가 오는 11월 17일 오후 10시 50분 첫 방송, Net › square › 3994602535더쿠 백종원 복귀 성공할까.

Net › Square › 4006459796더쿠 단독 ‘남극의 셰프’ 백종원 치킨난반, 위법성 따진다.

남극의 셰프는 ‘남극의 눈물’에 이어 13년 만에 돌아온 ‘기후환경 프로젝트’로, 사명감 하나로 혹독한 남극 환경에 고립돼 살아가는 월동대원들을 위해 따뜻한 한 끼를 대접하는 과정을 담은 프로그램이다. 백종원은 해동 후 물러진 단무지를 활용해 타르타르 소스 식감을 살리는 등 제한된 재료로 맛을 내는 과정에 성공했다. 백종원은 지난 24일 방송된 mbc 예능 프로그램 ‘남극의 셰프’에 출연해 남극 세종기지의 열악한 식재료 오래된 냉동 닭 정육을 확인한 뒤 자신만의 메뉴를 선보였다.

이슈 ‘남극의 셰프’ 백종원 소개페이지 4,473 17, 백종원 남극 촬영팀 다녀간 이후 남극 세종기지 식자재 부족. 백종원 남극 촬영팀 다녀간 이후 남극 세종기지 식자재 부족. Net › square › 4005737439더쿠 백종원 남극 촬영팀 다녀간 이후 남극 세종기지 식자재 부족사. 그래서 가장 중요한 능력 1순위는 해동, 식재료 보관 능력이라고 생각합니다.

백종원, 임수향, 엑소 수호, 채종협은 기후 위기 연구의 최전선에 있는 남극에서 월동대원으로서 투입돼 생활하는 모습을 담는다.

백종원, 임수향, 엑소 수호, 채종협은 기후 위기 연구의 최전선에 있는 남극에서 월동대원으로서 투입돼 생활하는 모습을 담는다. Kr › view › akr20251117042700005백종원, 방송 복귀한다&mldr, 이날 방송에서는 백종원, 임수향, 수호, 채종협이 기후 변화 연구의 최전선인 남극에서 고생하고 있는 대원들을 응원하고자 남극으로, Net › square › 4006459796더쿠 단독 ‘남극의 셰프’ 백종원 치킨난반, 위법성 따진다.

남극기지 셰프에게 많이 실망했다는 백종원.. 92,194 475 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo.. 백종원이 사바용 소스를 맞혔을 때 심사평을 기다리면서 노심초사하고 안절부절못하다가 백종원이 어떤 재료를 넣었는지 다 맞히자 해당 장면은 시청자들 사이에서 화제가.. Kr › view › akr20251117042700005백종원, 방송 복귀한다&mldr..

무대는 오는 17일 첫 방송이 확정된 mbc 예능 남극의 셰프다. 차이점은 백종원의 요리실력과 기타 이슈가 밝혀져서 대중의 콩깍지가 벗겨진데다가 남극의 일상도 드러난 상태라 그런 가스라이팅 식 편집에 시청자들이. Mbc는 ‘남극의 눈물’ 시리즈 이후 13년 만에 다시 남극을 찾아 기후변화와 남극 생태계의 메시지를 전달할 예정이다. Net › square › 3987442607더쿠 충격적인 백종원 출연 프로그램 &grave. 예상됐던 것 이상의 싸늘한 반응이 이어지는. Kr › article › 202511171433001백종원 ‘남극의 셰프’로 6개월 만에 방송 복귀&mldr.

Com › kokr › news방송 복귀 백종원, 남극행 결정 이유사명감, Kr › article › 2025110313380605541백종원이 돌아온다&mldr. 외식사업가 겸 방송인 백종원 더본코리아 대표가 mbc 남극의 셰프에 이어 넷플릭스 흑백요리사까지 출연을 예고했다. 충격적인 전개와 별도로 여경래에 대한 시청자의. Net › square › 4005028921더쿠 남극기지 셰프에게 많이 실망했다는 백종원, 그래서 가장 중요한 능력 1순위는 해동, 식재료 보관 능력이라고 생각합니다.

예상됐던 것 이상의 싸늘한 반응이 이어지는.. Mhn 홍동희 선임기자 국민 셰프 백종원이 6개월 만에 방송에 복귀한다.. 하지만 그의 복귀를 바라보는 시선은 결코 따뜻하지만은 않다..

더본코리아 백종원 대표가 방송 활동을 중단한 지 6개월 만에 Mbc의 신규 예능 프로그램 남극의 셰프를 통해 복귀했다.

더본코리아는 지난 14일 공시한 기타 행정공공기관 금융감독과세당국 등 포함의 제재 현황에서 총 700만원의 과태료와 벌금을 낸 사실을 알린 것으로 17일 확인됐다. 백 대표는 지난해 11월 방송된 mbc 교양 리얼리티 남극의 셰프에 이어 최근 넷플릭스 흑백요리사 시즌2에 심사위원으로 출연했다, Kr › article › 2025110313380605541백종원이 돌아온다&mldr.

환승 연애 재형 직업 남극 기지의 식자재는 12월에 대원들이 교대되면서 1년에 한 번만 보급되는 환경이다. 한국에서 어떠한 식자재도 가져가지 않았다고 당당하게 말하는 제작팀. 헤럴드경제민성기 기자 백종원 더본코리아 대표가 방송 활동을 중단한 지 6개월 만에 mbc의 신규 예능 프로그램 ‘남극의 셰프’를 통해 복귀한. 백종원은 이날 방송에서 남극 세종기지 대원들에게 치킨난반을 선보였는데 더본코리아가 운영하는 ppl식당이 지난해 4월 선보인 닭튀김 정식과 같은 메뉴가 아니냐는 지적. 차이점은 백종원의 요리실력과 기타 이슈가 밝혀져서 대중의 콩깍지가 벗겨진데다가 남극의 일상도 드러난 상태라 그런 가스라이팅 식 편집에 시청자들이. 후루츠패밀리 디시

히토미 모바일 바이러스 Com › culturelife › kculture방송 복귀 백종원 사명감, 부담감&mldr. 남극 기지의 식자재는 12월에 대원들이 교대되면서 1년에 한 번만 보급되는 환경이다. Mbc 측은 3일 남극의 셰프가 오는 11월 17일 오후 10시 50분 첫 방송. 이어 남극의 셰프는 출연자가 주인공인 요리쇼가 아니라 남극이라는 극한의 환경 속에서 인간과 자연, 그리고 공존의 의미를 탐구하는 기후환경. 17일 첫 방송된 mbc 교양 리얼리티 남극의 셰프에서는 백 대표가 남극 과학기지에서 고생하는 대원들에게 요리를 해주기 위해 남극을 찾는 모습이 그려졌다. 환연 민경 사주

황하나 porn 방송인 백종원 이 운영하는 더본코리아가 수백만원에 달하는 행정 처분과 벌금을 받은 사실이 공개됐다. 이슈 백종원의 남극기지 부식창고 털기에는 여러분의 세금도 4,160 21 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. Kr › view › akr20251117042700005백종원, 방송 복귀한다&mldr. 남극 기지의 식자재는 12월에 대원들이 교대되면서 1년에 한 번만 보급되는 환경이다. 남극의 세프 pd 인터뷰 남극 기지의 현실을 그대로 담기 위해 한국에서 어떠한 식재료도 가져가지 않았다 1년 전인 11월 16일은 남극의 셰프팀이 남극으로 출발했던 날 이며, 오는 12월 1일은 남극 조약이 체결된 상징적인 날이기도 합니다. 히러아카갤

후타바 포포 자위 연출자 황순규 pd는 프로그램에서 출연자의 개인 이슈가 방송에 영향을 미치지는 않느냐는 질문에 남극의 셰프는 작년 11월 촬영을 시작해 이미 완성된 작품으로, 방송을 앞두고 있었습니다. 남극의 셰프는 mbc와 lg유플러스의 스튜디오 x+u가 공동 기획한 프로그램으로, 백 대표와 배우 임수향, 채종협, 그룹 엑소의 수호가 남극 과학기지 대원들을 위해 따뜻한 음식을 대접하는 과정을 담은 예능이다. 한국에서 어떠한 식자재도 가져가지 않았다고 당당하게 말하는 제작팀. Com › culturelife › kculture방송 복귀 백종원 사명감, 부담감&mldr. 이슈 ‘남극의 셰프’ 백종원 소개페이지 4,473 17.

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.