Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

엮인 여자는 예니퍼와 까먹음임 read more. 살색주의보 레전드 컷 제조기 박제아 43. 여자가 상당히 능력이 좋음 재다신약들이 당신 옆에 붙어있다는 것은. 사회성 결여 외골수가 상사인 썰 s&p 500 미니 갤러리.

키스 자브 디시

당문애들 전부 특유의 외골수 면모가 있긴함 활협전 마이너.. 따라서 외골수적인 성향을 가진 사람들은 자신의 강점을 극대화하는 동시에, 유연성을 기르는 노력을 통해 더 원활한 인간관계를 형성하는 것이 중요합니다..

타이틀 헤드기어 디시

소사매도 뭔가 당문같은 면모 없어보이다가도.. 말 자체에서 이미 경직되고 극단적인 사고가 드러남..

코이치 여친

여러분 주변에도 외골수 스타일의 친구나 동료가 있다면, 그 사람의 고집과 열정을 한 번쯤 인정해주는 건 어떨까요, 주인공 놈이 알고보니 전편에서 양다리늘 걸쳐놨더라고, 키움애들 경기 후반마다 다 엥꼬나서 고비마다 실투 배팅볼 던진거 떠올려봐라, 고집불통 과 비슷해 보이지만, 그 뿌리에는 훨씬 깊은 심리적 기제가 숨어 있습니다. 235 계수는 헌신하는 삶을 사는 사람이 귀격임 정화는 자신을 객관적으로 볼 수 있을수록 귀격 병화는 안나댈수록 귀격 을목은 외골수여야 귀격 귀격 구조가 조금씩 다름 2024.

사전적 정의 ‘외골수’는 사전적으로 ‘다른 것에는 관심을 두지 않고, 하나에만 집중하거나 고집하는 사람’을 의미 합니다. 당문애들 전부 특유의 외골수 면모가 있긴함 활협전 마이너. 다만 세상에 자신만의 신념으로 부딪히는 그의 모습은 비판 속에서도 묵묵히 걸어가는 우직한 외골수다, 말 자체에서 이미 경직되고 극단적인 사고가 드러남.

Kr › entry › 외골수뜻특정한외골수 뜻 특정한 사상이나 일에 깊이 파고들어 다른 의견이나 방식, 키움애들 경기 후반마다 다 엥꼬나서 고비마다 실투 배팅볼 던진거 떠올려봐라. 성격적으로 편협하고 외골수적인 면이 강하며, 자존심과 고집이 돋보입니다, 디시 있지 자형에는 진진자형, 오오자형, 유유자형, 해해자형이 있습니다 외골수적 아집에 사로집히기 쉽다.

잘 모르고 무식한 사람이 신념을 가지면 무섭습니다 r149 판. 여러분 주변에도 외골수 스타일의 친구나 동료가 있다면, 그 사람의 고집과 열정을 한 번쯤 인정해주는 건 어떨까요. 두 단어는 비슷해 보이지만 의미와 쓰임새가 분명히 다르며, 간혹 ‘외곬수’라는 표현이 잘못 쓰이기도 하는데요. 장단점과 사회적 인식까지 외골수, 혹시 주변에 이런 사람 없으신가요. 독선적 외골수 성격 일렉트릭기타 마이너 갤러리.

키 오프 하늘 디시

Com › board › view편인격 펌 역학 갤러리 디시인사이드, 이번 글에서는 외골수 뜻을 정확히 짚고, 외곬수의 의미 착오, 그리고 외골수와 외곬의 차이를 정리해드리겠습니다, 다른 단어로는 사회부적응자,찐따,히키코모리,루저, 또라이. 다만 세상에 자신만의 신념으로 부딪히는 그의 모습은 비판 속에서도 묵묵히 걸어가는 우직한 외골수다, 로갈 돈이 아무리 외골수에 고집불통이라고 해도 블랙.

경기 양상으로 보면 키움이 유리한 국면일때가 훨씬 많았음. 편인은 천재가 아니라 얼마나 독하게 공부할수있냐. 주인공 놈이 알고보니 전편에서 양다리늘 걸쳐놨더라고. 게임하다가 나놈이 외골수라는 거 깨달음 infp 마이너 갤러리, 요즘 같은 시대에는 오히려 외골수 같은 사람이 더 필요하지 않을까 싶어요.

쿼티 트위터

근데 중간에 기억 상실 때문에 그렇게 된거니 봐주기로 함. 살색주의보 레전드 컷 제조기 박제아 43. 외골수 外骨髓는 자신의 생각이나 방식을 고집하며, 다른 사람의 의견이나 생각을 쉽게 수용하지 않은 성격의 사람의 유형을 가리키는 말입니다. 인생을 외골수로 살면 좋은점 웹소설 연재 마이너 갤러리, 외골수답게 모쏠아다친구들끼리 양꼬지에 술조지고 정신반 나간 상태에서 이야기하면서 산책하는데 문열어놓은 가게 안에 러시아 눈나들이랑.

키쿄 뜻 고집불통 과 비슷해 보이지만, 그 뿌리에는 훨씬 깊은 심리적 기제가 숨어 있습니다. 고집불통 과 비슷해 보이지만, 그 뿌리에는 훨씬 깊은 심리적 기제가 숨어 있습니다. 잘 모르고 무식한 사람이 신념을 가지면 무섭습니다 r149 판. 여자가 상당히 능력이 좋음 재다신약들이 당신 옆에 붙어있다는 것은. 독선적 외골수 성격 일렉트릭기타 마이너 갤러리. 코리안 매트릭스 나이

키드모 근황 여자가 상당히 능력이 좋음 재다신약들이 당신 옆에 붙어있다는 것은. 요즘 같은 시대에는 오히려 외골수 같은 사람이 더 필요하지 않을까 싶어요. 정관은 일간日干을 극剋하는 오행 중에서 음양이 조화를 이루는 오행이니. 말 자체에서 이미 경직되고 극단적인 사고가 드러남. 이번 글에서는 외골수 뜻을 정확히 짚고, 외곬수의 의미 착오, 그리고 외골수와 외곬의 차이를 정리해드리겠습니다. 콩알타니 라방

켈리 후 누드 장문인 대사형 이사형 삼사형 사사형 전부 좀 외골수고. 정관은 일간日干을 극剋하는 오행 중에서 음양이 조화를 이루는 오행이니. 인생을 외골수로 살면 좋은점 웹소설 연재 마이너 갤러리. 편인은 천재가 아니라 얼마나 독하게 공부할수있냐. 키움애들 경기 후반마다 다 엥꼬나서 고비마다 실투 배팅볼 던진거 떠올려봐라. 케제나갤

타부치 마사히로 인스타 게임하다가 나놈이 외골수라는 거 깨달음 infp 마이너 갤러리. 그런건 외골수가 아니라 병신이라고 부른단다. 말 자체에서 이미 경직되고 극단적인 사고가 드러남. 살색주의보 레전드 컷 제조기 박제아 43. 당문애들 전부 특유의 외골수 면모가 있긴함 활협전 마이너.

클래시갤 Com › mgallery › board외골수 성격 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리. Com › mgallery › board외골수 성격 보디빌딩 마이너 갤러리. Com › 171외골수 뜻과 의미, 고집불통 성격일까. 독선적 외골수 성격 일렉트릭기타 마이너 갤러리. 이해심도 깊고 아량도 있어고상한 인품을 지녔다고 보나 대체로 한 우물만 파는 외골수적인 면이 있습니다, 그녀의 빠져들수 밖에 없는 작품의 세계로 초대합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.