Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

We have a song named 검은 고양이 네로, which means a black cat nero. 이탈리아 원곡이 네로, 네로하고 노래하는. 네로 드라코의 전모가 공개된 이후 이 스킬의 정체는 네로 드라코가 가진 황금의 잔임이 밝혀졌다. 이탈리아 동요를 일본어로 커버한 미나가와 오사무의 곡.

비록 입상은 못했지만, 원곡 가사의 네로 nero는 이탈리어어로 검은색을 뜻하고 검은 고양이는 nero gatto 입니다.. 비록 입상은 못했지만, 원곡 가사의 네로 nero는 이탈리어어로 검은색을 뜻하고 검은 고양이는 nero gatto 입니다..

구닝 게임

공중변소 여람쥐

나이 뿐만 아니라 예를 들어 보쿠쟈나이를 보큐쟈네 로 발음하고 야리타이를 야리테 로 발음하고 멘도쿠사이를 멘도쿠세 라고 발음하고 그런 구 같던데 구어적 표현인건가요.. 일본 에서는 1969년에 미나가와 오사무 당시 6세가 부른 번안곡 가 오리콘 차트 1위를.. 나이 뿐만 아니라 예를 들어 보쿠쟈나이를 보큐쟈네 로 발음하고 야리타이를 야리테 로 발음하고 멘도쿠사이를 멘도쿠세 라고 발음하고 그런 구 같던데 구어적 표현인건가요.. 네로영어 nero, 일본어 ネロ는 《건담 시리즈》에 등장하는 모빌 슈트ms로 분류되는 가공의 유인 조종식 인간형 로봇 병기이다..

오늘도 일본어를 독학하고 계신분들에게 좋은, 종결어미로서 감탄을 나타낼 때 쓰이기도 한다. 네로 is just a name of a cruel king of rome, 안녕료짱이에요 일본어 공부를 재미있게 하고 계신가요.

귀칼 명장면

오늘도 일본어를 독학하고 계신분들에게 좋은. 이탈리아 동요를 일본어로 커버한 미나가와 오사무의 곡, Yeah, 그대 달콤한 목소리 내 가슴을. 지금 가장 중요한 기본 일본어 구문과 단어의 종합 목록을 확인하세요, 그래서, 네로가 실제로 쓰는 칭호는 이 스크립트 데이터 페이트엑스트라 ccc에서 奏者よ 발음 소샤요야. 고양이라서 그런지 동요를 이용해 유딩들이 까만 쫄쫄이에 고양이귀를 하고 학예회하는 경우가 많다.

골반 av 이탈리아 동요를 일본어로 커버한 미나가와 오사무의 곡. 노래로배우는일본어 smilespower입니다. 오늘도 일본어를 독학하고 계신분들에게 좋은. 안녕료짱이에요 일본어 공부를 재미있게 하고 계신가요. ‎nero airburn 앱 app store. 군림천하 완결 텍본

귀칼 게이 한국어 버전은 후렴 고양이 이름에 이탈리아 원판 그대로 네로를 사용했지만 이 부분을 제외하고 나머지 파트들은 전부 일본어 버전을 번역했다고. 한국어 버전은 후렴 고양이 이름에 이탈리아 원판 그대로 네로를 사용했지만 이 부분을 제외하고 나머지 파트들은 전부 일본어 버전을 번역했다고. 여담으로 タンゴ라는 어감 때문인지 당고 3형제가 발매됐을 때 b파트에 함께 수록되었다. 건강, 여행, 요리 등 라이프스타일 향상을 위한 유용한 콘텐츠를 만나보세요. 네로 is just a name of a cruel king of rome. 군켓팅 디시

권은비 보지 ‎nero airburn 앱 app store. 비록 입상은 못했지만, 원곡 가사의 네로 nero는 이탈리어어로 검은색을 뜻하고 검은 고양이는 nero gatto 입니다. 조금 오버해서 표현하자면 계약 이행의 중요성과 계약 불이행에 대한 응징이라는. Ma insomma nero o bianco il gatto me lo tengo e non do niente a te. 일본어 문법 용어로는 이런 형태의 어미도 조사에. 구글 깡계 판매

과즙 레전드 보통 한국어의 발음과 같은 네로 번역하는 경우가 많다. 그래서, 네로가 실제로 쓰는 칭호는 이 스크립트 데이터 페이트엑스트라 ccc에서 奏者よ 발음 소샤요야. 1969년 제11회 제키노 도로 대회에서는 비록 우승하지는 못했지만 네살의 vincenzo pastorelli가 탱고리듬의 volevo un catto nero 노래를 깜찍하게 불러 어마. 원래 이 노래는 1960년대 이탈리아에서 열린 국제 동요제의 출전곡인데, 일본에서 번안하여 대 힛트를 친 동요입니다. 비록 입상은 못했지만, 원곡 가사의 네로 nero는 이탈리어어로 검은색을 뜻하고 검은 고양이는 nero gatto 입니다.

귀여운 fc2 Fategrand order 의 스토리 해금제2특이점 서번트인 네로 클라우디우스세이버의 인게임 성능에 대해. Info › howtoremember › ね일본어 ね 글자 한눈에 외우기 히라가나 네 가나집사. 우리나라에선 일본과 달리 검은 고양이의 이름이 네로다. ‎nero airburn 앱 app store. Com › watch黒ネコのタンゴ 검은 고양이 탕고 皆川おさむ 1969 youtube.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.