중광 할머니는 매일 도서관 열람실에서 지내며 학교에서 거의 노숙을 하다시피 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

중광할머니는 sbs 순간포착 세상에 이런 일이 제작진과의 인터뷰에서 본인에 대한 설명을 했습니다. 중광할머니 사연에 궁금증 증폭미국에서 도대체 무슨 일이. 세상에 이런일이 중광할머니, 남성 우월주의 벽에 부딪친. 서울의 한 명문대학교 도서관, 매일 같은 자리에.

Sbs 예능 추천 순간포착 세상에 이런 일이 고려대학교 중광 할머니 충격적인 근황

저와 같이 고려대학교를 졸업한 동문분들은 중광 할머니의 정체에 대해 잘 아시는 분들이 계실 것 같네요.

먼저 선행된 것은 대학정보 포털에 회원 되기. 중광할머니는 젊은 시절 망상장애를 앓았을 가능성이 커 보인다, 이미 학생들 사이에서도 중광할머니는 유명한듯 한데요, 식사도 학관에서 하신다고 하네요, 싶어서 보니 2012년에 방송된 세상에 이런일이 였다. 중광 할머니는 매일 도서관 열람실에서 지내며 학교에서 거의 노숙을 하다시피 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌다. 고려대 중광 할머니 송선희는 많은 이들에게 깊은 인상을 남긴 인물입니다.

중광할머니, 엘리트 여성→노숙자 전락 도대체 무슨 사연. 10년간 명문대 도서관 열람실을 찾았던 일명 ‘중광 할머니’의 정체가 밝혀졌다, 중광 할머니는 매일 도서관 열람실에서 지내며 학교에서 거의 노숙을 하다시피 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌다. 매경닷컴 mk스포츠 이나래 기자 19일 방송된 sbs ‘세상에 이런일이’에서 10년 동안 매일 명문대학교 도서관에 다니는 일명 ‘중광할머니’를 다시 찾아가 못 다한 이야기를 들려주었다, 1946년 전주 출생고대 문과대 수석 졸업인디아나대 문학석사인디아나대 인류학박사문화인류학 전공하바드대 서울대 경기대 건국대 강사역임한국.

고려대 중광 할머니 송선희는 많은 이들에게 깊은 인상을 남긴 인물입니다.

2011년으로 거슬러 올라가 보겠습니다.. 중광할머니는 sbs 순간포착 세상에 이런 일이 제작진과의 인터뷰에서 본인에 대한 설명을 했습니다.. 맥도날드할머니때도 마찬가지이지만중광할머니를 보고 있으려니 도대체 어째서 이 상황까지 오게 된 것일까 하는 의문이 가장 먼저 드네요..

저와 같이 고려대학교를 졸업한 동문분들은 중광 할머니의 정체에 대해 잘 아시는 분들이 계실 것 같네요. 중광할머니 사연에 궁금증 증폭미국에서 도대체 무슨 일이. 10년째 대학 도서관 열람실을 출입하는 ‘중광할머니’ 의 정체가 밝혀져 화제다. 이남이 와 이외수 와도 면식이 있었다는 모양이다.

Com › Watchsbs 세상에 이런 일이 655회 20110811 명장면 중광 할머니.

서울의 한 명문대학교 도서관, 매일 같은 자리에서 공부를 한 지 10여 년. 그를 칭하는 이름 중 중광의 의미는 중앙광장의 약자 였습니다. 그를 칭하는 이름 중 중광의 의미는 중앙광장의 약자 였습니다. 2011년으로 거슬러 올라가 보겠습니다.

중광 할머니라는 애칭이 붙은 이유는 고려대 중앙광장의 약자를 따서 붙은 할머니의 별명이었어요.

한편 중광할머니의 중광은 중앙광장의 줄임말이다, 지난 11일 sbs ‘순간포착 세상에 이런 일이’에서는 서울의 한 명문대 도서관을 10년째 찾는 중광 할머니의 사연이 방송됐다. 10년째 매일 명문대학교 도서관 열람실에서 공부하고 노숙까지 하는 이분의 정체는. 10년 가까이 해당 사립대의 중앙광장 열람실에서 수학과 물리학 등의 공식들이 빼곡하게 적힌 종이를 잔뜩 들고 살다시피 하는 이 할머니를 재학생들이 중광할머니라고 부르게 된 것입니다, 11일 sbs ‘순간포착 세상에 이런 일이’에서는 서울의 한 명문대학교 도서관에서 10년 째 같은 자리에서 매일 공부하는 ‘중광할머니’가 소개됐다.

저우안신 매경닷컴 mk스포츠 이나래 기자 19일 방송된 sbs ‘세상에 이런일이’에서 10년 동안 매일 명문대학교 도서관에 다니는 일명 ‘중광할머니’를 다시 찾아가 못 다한 이야기를 들려주었다. 지난 11일 sbs ‘순간포착 세상에 이런 일이’에서는 서울의 한 명문대 도서관을 10년째 찾는 중광 할머니의 사연이 방송됐다. 10년째 대학 도서관 열람실을 출입하는 ‘중광할머니’ 의 정체가 밝혀져 화제다. 10년째 매일 명문대학교 도서관 열람실에서 공부하고 노숙까지 하는 이분의 정체는. 지난 11일 sbs ‘순간포착 세상에 이런 일이’에서는 서울의 한 명문대 도서관을 10년째 찾는 중광 할머니의 사연이 방송됐다. 저장순위

장원영 hentai Sbs 예능 추천 순간포착 세상에 이런 일이 고려대학교 중광 할머니 충격적인 근황 들리는 소문에 의하면 같은 대학교 졸업생이자 유학도 다녀온 뛰어난 학업성적의 인물. 10년 째 고려대학교 도서관 열람실에 다니는 `중광 할머니`가 엘리트 출신 졸업생이라는 사실이 한 방송을 통해 소개되면서 네티즌들 사이에서 관심을. 중광 할머니는 매일 도서관 열람실에서 지내며 학교에서 거의 노숙을 하다시피 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌다. Com › watchsbs 세상에 이런 일이 655회 20110811 명장면 중광 할머니. 자기만의방 트위터

자기만의방 강간 이미 학생들 사이에서도 중광할머니는 유명한듯 한데요, 식사도 학관에서 하신다고 하네요. 서울의 한 명문대학교 도서관, 매일 같은 자리에서 공부를 한 지 10여 년. 그를 칭하는 이름 중 중광의 의미는 중앙광장의 약자 였습니다. 먼저 선행된 것은 대학정보 포털에 회원 되기. 11일 sbs ‘순간포착 세상에 이런 일이’에서는 서울의 한 명문대학교 도서관에서 10년 째 같은 자리에서 매일 공부하는 ‘중광할머니’가 소개됐다. 적당히 위험하게 다시보기

인스타 게시물 다운 디시 10년째 명문대 도서관 열람실을 찾는 일명 ‘중광 할머니’의 정체가 밝혀졌다. 그를 칭하는 이름 중 중광의 의미는 중앙광장의 약자 였습니다. 한편 중광할머니의 중광은 중앙광장의 줄임말이다. 10년째 매일 명문대학교 도서관 열람실에서 공부하고 노숙까지 하는 이분의 정체는. 심지어는 ‘내 생활 전부가 똥이요, 사기다’라는 말까지 남겼다고 한다.

장은실 꼭지 학생들 사이에서는 중앙광장의 약자인 중광할머니로 통하고 있다. 10년 째 고려대학교 도서관 열람실에 다니는 `중광 할머니`가 엘리트 출신 졸업생이라는 사실이 한 방송을 통해 소개되면서 네티즌들 사이에서 관심을. 먼저 선행된 것은 대학정보 포털에 회원 되기. 명문 사립대학의 유명인사였던 중광할머니의 사연이 방송되자 해당 학교 학생들이 할머니의 신상에 대해 걱정하고 있다. 서울의 한 명문대학교 도서관, 매일 같은 자리에서 공부를 한 지 10여 년.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.