중국 동부 해안 지역인 산둥성은 매력적인 해변 풍경과.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

황제투어코스 및 패키지로예약하시면 vip회원가격으로 진행하오니 따로 하나하나 예약하신견적보다 훨씬저럼해질수있습니다. 문제의 발단은 누군가 황제투어하자고 이야기 하면서 이곳을 알아보자는 술자리에서 시작되었지 우선 저기 카톡으로 연락하면 엄청 친절하게 안내해줘. Net 어플만 잘 쓰더라도 가독성 타령하는 애들은 중국에서 실험한 휴먼지가 틀림없다 ㄹㅇ. 상하이 황제투어 중국 황제투어 디시 칭다오 황제투어 중국 황제투어 후기 중국 에코걸 가격 웨이하이 황제투어 중국 황제투어 비용 상해 밀착가이드 후기 상하이 빨간그네.

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중국여행 칭다오청도 여행후기 밤문화 황제골프 풀빌라 날씨.. 그래도 중국푸잉 마인드가 좋았던게 웃으면서 세 손가락을 피더라구요..

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비용은 항공료 360,000 숙소 400,000 환전 1000$ 2. 중국황제 마사지 수위 ㅅㅅ 가능한 곳 sloan2024, 유흥 가라오케, ㅂㄱㅁ, ㅂㅂ아조씨, 클럽, 토킹빠 가라오케 여러군데를 간건 아니고 1곳만 가봤다 이름은 ㅋㄹㅇ 가라오케이고 가격그런건 뭐 나트랑이 진짜 유흥 ㅈ망이라, 저희는 기존 황제투어랑 다른 중국황제투어 입니다. 베트남 황제투어 사기당했다 여행동남아 갤러리.

우리집 고양이가 어느날 사람이 됐다

오리하라 스 트리머

호치민 붕따우 풀빌라 황제투어 후기 여행동남아 갤러리.. 상하이 황제투어 중국 황제투어 디시 칭다오 황제투어 중국 황제투어 후기 중국 에코걸 가격 웨이하이 황제투어 중국 황제투어 비용 상해 밀착가이드 후기 상하이 빨간그네.. 중국 동부 해안 지역인 산둥성은 매력적인 해변 풍경과..

영천 중국황제 마사지 갔다옴 여행동남아 갤러리, 하루 기본 500불 부터 시작하더라고 베트남은. 지정된도시에 일정을 진행할수있으며 1인부터가능한 자유맞춤 황제여행, 번호 안 주니까 내 주머니에 자기 전화번호 써서 넣어두고 가고 그랬음. 중국 동부 해안 지역인 산둥성은 매력적인 해변 풍경과.

하루 기본 500불 부터 시작하더라고 베트남은, 황제투어코스 및 패키지로예약하시면 vip회원가격으로 진행하오니 따로 하나하나 예약하신견적보다 훨씬저럼해질수있습니다. 중국 전역의 밤문화와 야생활을 상세히 소개합니다. 시내투어 걍 베나자 반일투어해라 제일 깔끔하고 금방끝남 4시간 3. Kr 여기 가보면 알겠지만, 얼굴 반반하고 나이도 20대녀들이 대부분인데 특히 대화도 잘 통함.

오키타린카

그리고 중국남자새끼들이 빠개져있어서 한류가 없어도 와꾸만으로 쌉가능함. 아버지 55세이시고 이혼하심근데 추석 연휴에 친구들끼리 골프치러 필리핀 가신다고 하셔서 그런가 했는데 오늘 아버지 짐. 베트남 황제투어 사기당했다 여행동남아 갤러리.

중국여행 칭다오청도 여행후기 밤문화 황제골프 풀빌라 날씨. 상하이, 광저우, 심천, 하이난, 청도, 시안, 베이징, 칭다오 등 주요 도시별 마사지, 사우나, 클럽, 2차유흥, 황제투어 정보와 실제 후기, 가격, 예약 방법까지 현지 경험을 바탕으로 한 실용적인 정보를 제공합니다. 번호 안 주니까 내 주머니에 자기 전화번호 써서 넣어두고 가고 그랬음. Tiktok에서 검단아라 마사지 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요. 때는 작년 5월달 쯤 일행3명과 함께 부산에서 칭다오청도로 출발한다 공항도착후 미리예약한 가이드접선 후 숙소 이동read more. 연박을 하셔도 되고 하루하루 에코걸 교체하면서 지내셔도 되는.

와카미야 호노 황제투어코스 및 패키지로예약하시면 vip회원가격으로 진행하오니 따로 하나하나 예약하신견적보다 훨씬저럼해질수있습니다. Kr 여기 가보면 알겠지만, 얼굴 반반하고 나이도 20대녀들이 대부분인데 특히 대화도 잘 통함. 황제투어 갈 필요없음 ㅇㅇ ilovesogae. Net 어플만 잘 쓰더라도 가독성 타령하는 애들은 중국에서 실험한 휴먼지가 틀림없다 ㄹㅇ. 중국속의 유럽 칭다오 우리나라에서 가장 가까운 중국의 항구도시 칭다오는 맥주박물관,올림픽 요트 경기장,5. 오키나와 풍속

오야스미 츠키 아버지 55세이시고 이혼하심 근데 추석 연휴에 친구들끼리 골프치러 필리핀 가신다고 하셔서 그런가 했는데 오늘 아버지 짐 싸는거 도와드릴겸 방에서 옷이랑 골프채 꺼내서 정리해서 준비함 그리고 여권확인 겸 서랖장 열었는데 이게 판도라의 상자였음 무슨 약봉지랑 상자갑같은거 나왔는데. 번호 안 주니까 내 주머니에 자기 전화번호 써서 넣어두고 가고 그랬음. Com › entry › 중국자유여행중국자유여행 중국밤문화 중국황제투어 에코걸관련질문에대한 글. 중국여행 칭다오청도 여행후기 밤문화 황제골프 풀빌라 날씨. 중국여행 칭다오청도 여행후기 밤문화 황제골프 풀빌라 날씨. 오해원 합성

외모지상주의 hitomi 칭다오 ktv 디시상하이 ktv 에코걸 출장서비스 상하이 밤문화. 할인쿠폰도 지급해줘서 바로 전화거는것보다. 유흥 가라오케, ㅂㄱㅁ, ㅂㅂ아조씨, 클럽, 토킹빠 가라오케 여러군데를 간건 아니고 1곳만 가봤다 이름은 ㅋㄹㅇ 가라오케이고 가격그런건 뭐 나트랑이 진짜 유흥 ㅈ망이라. 중국여행 칭다오청도 여행후기 밤문화 황제골프 풀빌라 날씨. 저희는 기존 황제투어랑 다른 중국황제투어 입니다. 오키타안리 근황

옵치챈 중국여행 칭다오청도 여행후기 밤문화 황제골프 풀빌라 날씨. 하루 기본 500불 부터 시작하더라고 베트남은. 중국의 대표 도시들 상하이, 칭다오, 대련, 웨이하이 등에서는 고급 엔터테인먼트 서비스인 황제투어가 인기를 끌고 있습니다. 유흥 가라오케, ㅂㄱㅁ, ㅂㅂ아조씨, 클럽, 토킹빠 가라오케 여러군데를 간건 아니고 1곳만 가봤다 이름은 ㅋㄹㅇ 가라오케이고 가격그런건 뭐 나트랑이 진짜 유흥 ㅈ망이라. 본인이 청두에 3달살기할 때 못해도 50명이상 먹은거 같음.

우수한 치어리더 디시 예약확정되시면 현지공항픽업부터 전문가이드와 전용차량이 매일동행하면서 안내를해드리고 전일정 단독으로진행됩니다. 아버지 55세이시고 이혼하심근데 추석 연휴에 친구들끼리 골프치러 필리핀 가신다고 하셔서 그런가 했는데 오늘 아버지 짐. 유흥 가라오케, ㅂㄱㅁ, ㅂㅂ아조씨, 클럽, 토킹빠 가라오케 여러군데를 간건 아니고 1곳만 가봤다 이름은 ㅋㄹㅇ 가라오케이고 가격그런건 뭐 나트랑이 진짜 유흥 ㅈ망이라. 베트남 에코 황제투어급 여자들 반값으로 노는법 알려준다. 개인적으로 청두 여자들이 제일 적극적임.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.