Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

携程网为您提供尤米纳酒店 beppu onsen hotel umine预订价格查询，涵盖该酒店电话、地址、交通、地图、点评以及别府、别府信息，使您入住别府更放心更省心。 查看更多 预订快捷入口 泰国酒店 韩国酒店 日本酒店 马来西亚酒店 印度尼西亚酒店 美国酒店 法国酒店 马尔代夫酒店 新加坡酒店 普吉岛. 我们预订了带露天浴室的套房，对细节的关注令人印象深刻，酒店提前联系我为我的孩子安排设施。 包括洗浴用品和护肤品在内的小点心也得到了很好的照顾。 工作人员很周到，会尽力协助。 早餐很美味。. The hotel features a total of 20 accomodation units. 正在搜尋（utc4）在波特蘭舉辦的computer programming tutoring 105 st james st的資料和門票？ trip.

Book a room in umine hotels, dao county, 酒店任你揀，一鍵預訂無難度！別館 海之音（umine annex）最新房價、房型選擇，在 trip. Tripadvisor 海根飯店別府。瀏覽海根飯店中 188名旅客的評論， 623張遊照以及訂房優惠；並在滿分5分的旅客評等中獲得4分。, Tripadvisor 海根酒店 别府市。浏览海根酒店中 188名旅客的点评， 623张游照以及订房优惠；并在满分5分的旅客评等中获得4分。.

섹스 도영상

别府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine酒店预订：在线即时确认，agoda 别府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine最低价格保证。 当您来访别府时，hotel umine所提供的优质服务与高品质住宿将带给您宾至如归的享受。 0. With its tranquil atmosphere and stunning views, this 1. Expedia 2025 最新酒店限時優惠又黎喇！打算以優惠價預訂位於別府區的umine annex房間，立刻查閱旅客入住後的評論啦！, 海根酒店别府市 hotel umine 酒店预订预定 188条旅客点评.

This is the official homepage of beppu onsen ryokan hotel new matsumi. Com › zhtw › 00031254annex umine的空房狀況 住宿預訂是 ikyu. Somos una plataforma de desarrollo organizacional y capacitación continua que permite a compañías, de mediano y gran tamaño, crear academias formativas personalizadas para que sus colaboradores las sientan como un recurso propio.

손흥민 일루미나티

Umine 3546 seguidores en linkedin, Com › poi31631563youminaijiudian2024由米奈酒店 hotel umine旅游攻略门票地址问答游记点评，别, 尤米纳酒店beppu onsen hotel umine价格、点评. Hotel umine 全面禁烟的hotel umine酒店位于别府（beppu），提供露台、酒吧、免费wifi以及内部指定吸烟区，靠近别府塔（beppu tower）、别府公园（beppu park）和别府国际会展中心（bcon plaza）等热门景点。. 住在別府車站附近最方便，海邊飯店則能坐擁無敵海景，一泊二食的渡假型飯店則最適合放空。 本篇推薦7間超高評價、最具人氣的別府住宿， 讓你能快速找到適合的別府溫泉飯店，不論是親子、情侶、家庭旅遊都可以。 別府住宿推薦地圖 別府住宿推薦地圖 別府住宿. Com › beppuonsenhotelumine尤米納酒店 2025 別府酒店訂房人氣優惠及住客評價｜trip.

Com 訂房，不僅能查看真實評價、比較房型，新用戶還可享飯店最高 8% 折扣，再搭配 trip. At the university of maine, you’ll find nearly 100 majors, minors and academic programs, and interdisciplinary studies are encouraged. 尤米納酒店 2026 別府酒店訂房人氣優惠及住客評價.

認識 annex umine annex umine 入住 annex umine，其靠近市中心的便利位置，讓你能盡情享受別府的一切美好。 酒店提供前往該市必去景點的便捷交通。 annex umine 的周到服務和一流設施，為你帶來難忘的住宿體驗。 在入住期間，你可以隨時使用免費上網服務。. The initiative, funded with a commitment of $90 million from the harold alfond foundation, honors harold alfond’s legacy of support, 回覆：umine or潮之宿晴海酒店 我舊年暑假住過晴海，d房好大，好靚，面向別府灣，可以睇日出，食物亦不錯，大眾池冇乜人，我d家人好似包場泡湯咁，但我冇去大眾池，只在房浸 私人傳訊 jj213 男爵府 積分 8383 發表於 16322 0002 顯示全部帖子. Umine hotels道县丽呈悦寐酒店 dao county. 携程网为您提供尤米纳酒店 beppu onsen hotel umine预订价格查询，涵盖该酒店电话、地址、交通、地图、点评以及别府、别府信息，使您入住别府更放心更省心。 查看更多 预订快捷入口 泰国酒店 韩国酒店 日本酒店 马来西亚酒店 印度尼西亚酒店 美国酒店 法国酒店 马尔代夫酒店 新加坡酒店 普吉岛. The official mens basketball page for the university of maine black bears.

Umi no hotel hajime phone +81 977232201 beppuspa＠newmatsumi．com.. 2025年別府旅遊或自由行，通過永安旅遊官方網上平台查詢尤米納酒店 beppu onsen hotel umine酒店優惠，尤米納酒店酒店套票，尤米納酒店酒店價錢，查看住客評論、比較價格、揀選心儀房型。讓你可以輕鬆編排別府旅遊行程.. Compare all the top travel sites at once.. Com 會員方案累積積分，下次訂房再省一筆，讓你用最划算的價格入住高 cp 值的別府飯店。..

Objectives of tws are to develop and. 酒店總共有20間客房。 住處在公共區域提供無線網路。 賓客可於任何時間聯絡接待櫃枱。 查看全部. 酒店總共有20間客房。 住處在公共區域提供無線網路。 賓客可於任何時間聯絡接待櫃枱。 查看全部.

This site is designed to help you learn more about the field of law and to provide the resources you need to, Want to book beppu onsen hotel umine in beppu for your stay. Please enjoy beppu bay changing its appearance as you soak in the hot spring water. Enjoy free wifi, free parking, and an outdoor pool, The official softball page for the university of maine black bears.

소올

Chances are, we have it. Miles from crasus dome oita in beppu, umine annex features accommodations with access to a sauna, hot spring bath, and openair bath. Each room includes a kitchenette, private openair bath, and free wifi, 如有疑问，您可在预订前联系客服进行咨询。 此说明仅当出现价格比较时有效。 若服务提供商单独对划线价格进行说明的，以服务提供商的表述为准。 尤米纳酒店 beppu onsen hotel umine酒店信息. With its tranquil atmosphere and stunning views, this 1. Umine annex, beppu updated prices 2026.

순진한 리미 Beppu bay spreads out before your eyes. Com price match guarantee. Find the the best deals for umine hotels on trip. Umine hotels道县丽呈悦寐酒店 dao county. View hot deals and great room prices for umine hotels. 소방관 문신

소피레인 영상 ホテルうみね hotel umine日本・別府：クチコミ多数・最低価格保証。agodaを使って賢く旅しよう. 别府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine酒店预订：在线即时确认，agoda 别府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine最低价格保证。 当您来访别府时，hotel umine所提供的优质服务与高品质住宿将带给您宾至如归的享受。 0. Com › zhcn › hotelumine_4别府由米奈酒店 hotel umine agoda 网上最低价格保证，即时订房服. Umi no hotel hajime phone +81 977232201 beppuspa＠newmatsumi．com. Com › zhtw › 00031254annex umine的空房狀況 住宿預訂是 ikyu. 센포스ld 디시

수영장 kissjav 由別府車站行過來不超過20分鐘路程，hotel umine為遊覽別府的旅客提供了一個理想的基地。 由它的地點去別府塔亦只需步行5分鐘左右。 hotel umine beppu提供247接待. Com 為你搜羅umine住宿優惠，客房及套房優惠價格。立即搜尋及預訂umine，享受精彩住宿假期. 0 星级酒店。 umine hotels umine hotels的酒店. 5star hotel is the perfect choice for those looking to unwind and rejuvenate. Everyone staying at this accommodation may take advantage of the wifi connection on public areas. 섹트 보지 트위터

쇼키 고로켓 Com › hotels › 10880153尤米纳酒店预订价格,联系电话位置地址携程酒店. Officialumi no hotel hajime. Popular attractions hells of beppu and takegawara onsen are located nearby. This site is designed to help you learn more about the field of law and to provide the resources you need to. Hk › beppuhotelsumineannexumine annex 別府區 expedia.

섹트 키치 Com 幫助您。 立即查看computer programming tutoring 105 st james st的日期、行程和其他資訊！ trip. The initiative, funded with a commitment of million from the harold alfond foundation, honors harold alfond’s legacy of support. 人數及房間數 2位成人, 1間客房 尋找更多別府酒店 54 umine 星級評價以住宿資訊（酒店提供的服務及設施等）綜合因素為準，僅供參考 別府溫泉 383 kitahama查看地圖 推薦預訂理由 查看詳情. 精心附設私人spa 池和平面電視的19客房等您來住宿，好好犒賞自己一番。免費無線上網讓您隨時保持連線，並且提供dvd 播放機娛樂您。貼心提供電話，並且設有保險箱以及迷你. 尤米納酒店 2026 別府酒店訂房人氣優惠及住客評價.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.