Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

空白格@kngbig07317603 twitter profile. 耐打的小被也哀号 来猜猜看她几天不能好好的坐下想到她只能趴着睡就窃笑. 界域チャンピオン大会3位でした！ エース様々でした～ 1vs3から逆転 凄かったw 杖欲しかったから交換！ 杖と剣の伝説杖刑 st. 龍貓 @andersonqiu twitter profile.

이이경 폭로자 Sns

이태원 이쪽 술집

279 spanking 종아리체벌10대,허벅지체벌10대,스팽킹25대 03분16초원본영상영상관련문의 asiacaning@gmail. 龍貓 @andersonqiu twitter profile. 執行の流れ 杖 罪を受ける者は、あらかじめ刑具を付けずに獄に拘禁されます。 杖 刑の回数は、犯罪の重さに応じて60回から100回の5段階に分類され、執行者が過剰な力を使った場合には、場合によっては処罰を受けることもありました。. 笞刑 と 杖刑 があわさったような 箒尻 とよばれる竹製の鞭が使われ、背から、尻・太ももなどを左右に分けて叩く。 明治時代初期、文明開化政策により刑罰としては廃止。 違法なリンチや拷問として残る。. Hdh @aenghdhdooo twitter profile.

Видео от 1 февраля 2025 в хорошем качестве, без регистрации в бесплатном видеокаталоге вконтакте.. 3段有20板稍微加了点力度，瞬间就扛不住了，难以想象古代杖刑时全力输出会是什么体验（其实还挺想试一试的 ） 庆幸生活在现代社会杖刑sp spank.. 界域チャンピオン大会3位でした！ エース様々でした～ 1vs3から逆転 凄かったw 杖欲しかったから交換！ 杖と剣の伝説杖刑 st.. Com › index杖刑 smpedia..

이시다 아키라 결혼

They flogged me for touching his book medieval punishments caning flogging flagellation. 杖罪 杖 罪（じょうざい）とは 杖 罪または 杖 刑は、 律令法 において定義された 五刑 の中の一つであり、笞刑の次に軽度な刑罰として位置付けられています。 この刑罰は木製の 杖 を用い、主に受刑者の背中または臀部を打つことによって実施されました。. Akinamisps tweet video.

Org › wiki › 折杖法折杖法 wikipedia. R18 打屁股 杖刑 sp转载小说碧珊过堂 yyy pixiv この作品「sp转载小说碧珊过堂」は「r18」「打屁股」等のタグがつけられた作品です。. 本次分上下集上集為普通杖刑下集為重度杖刑程度破皮出血 喜歡杖刑的可以買來蒐藏囉 正片中文、英文字幕 fansonest.

이영지 얼굴 디시

杖刑のイラストやマンガは10件、杖刑の小説、ssは32件投稿されています。 杖刑と一緒に付けられている主なタグには打屁股、オーバーザニー、お尻ペンペン、スパンキング、フォールガイズ、completelynaked、spanking、アジア、お尻叩き、p, Com › index杖刑 smpedia, 鞭刑新加坡藤条本次感谢艾心绝渘提供的高品质新加坡藤条让我们的重度小被吃饱饱渘姊很坏直接挑最痛得让我们使用差点把屁股打开花每一次风切声都可以让小被寒毛直竖 read more. 古代杖刑為何只打屁股不打其他地方？ 2原因揭密 歷史 網推 古代封建社會，帝王為了維持社會秩序，會推出一系列刑罰懲治罪犯，其中最常見的就是杖刑，不過外界難免好奇，為何行刑打板子時偏偏只打屁股，而不打. 杖刑 作为正式刑罚地位的确立始于 北魏孝文帝改革。 鞭、杖之刑由次刑入为正刑，始于北魏，孝文帝改革使鞭、杖正刑化，此次改革将源自游牧文化的鞭杖习俗与中原五刑体系结合 4。 隋唐时期， 杖刑 的体系与地位最终确立。, 笞刑 と 杖刑 があわさったような 箒尻 とよばれる竹製の鞭が使われ、背から、尻・太ももなどを左右に分けて叩く。 明治時代初期、文明開化政策により刑罰としては廃止。 違法なリンチや拷問として残る。.

Coco @lhuxingxiq25096 twitter profile. Org › wiki › 杖罪杖罪 wikipedia, 龍貓 @andersonqiu twitter profile. 耐打的小被也哀号 来猜猜看她几天不能好好的坐下想到她只能趴着睡就窃笑. 耐打的小被也哀號啦 來猜猜看她幾天不能好好的.

Jp › wiki › 杖罪杖罪とは？ 意味をやさしく解説 サードペディア百科事典. Com › item › 古代杖刑古代杖刑_百度百科. 6世紀頃、この頃にはすでにあった。 7世紀頃、養老律令の「賊盗律」では「笞刑 ・ 杖刑 ・徒刑・流刑・死刑」の五刑が定められた。 「賊盗律」での 杖刑 は「手元で4分（約12ミリ）、先端は3分（約9ミリ）、長さは3尺5寸（約1メートル5センチ）」の木製の笞杖によって臀部を打つと定められて. 公堂杖责剧情的初步尝试多人场景还是很费神啊 pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站,实时搜索高速加载. 清颜 @qingy65668 twitter profile, 本次分上下集上集為普通杖刑下集為重度杖刑程度破皮出血 喜歡杖刑的可以買來蒐藏囉 正片中文、英文字幕 fansonest.

이치마츠 도망 짤 Org › zhtw › 鞭笞鞭笞 維基百科，自由的百科全書. Org › wiki › 折杖法折杖法 wikipedia. 3段有20板稍微加了点力度，瞬间就扛不住了，难以想象古代杖刑时全力输出会是什么体验（其实还挺想试一试的 ） 庆幸生活在现代社会杖刑sp spank. Опубликовано 26 февраля 2025. 耐打的小被也哀号 来猜猜看她几天不能好好的坐下想到她只能趴着睡就窃笑. 이부키 논란 디시

이재명 합니다 갤러리 Хорошее качество видео без регистрации в бесплатном видеокаталоге вконтакте. Видео от 1 февраля 2025 в хорошем качестве, без регистрации в бесплатном видеокаталоге вконтакте. Akinamisps tweet video. Смотрите онлайн 巾帼英雄的悔恨杖刑 7 мин 13 с. 杖刑特輯－雙人杖刑純享版大家喜歡的杖刑特輯來囉！ 鐵手男主與歡歡女主聯合看看女被的反應吧！ 影片連結：st. 이아린 라이키 야스

이예빈 원피스 직캠 디시 公堂杖责剧情的初步尝试多人场景还是很费神啊 pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站,实时搜索高速加载. Coco @lhuxingxiq25096 twitter profile. R18 打屁股 杖刑 sp转载小说碧珊过堂 yyy pixiv この作品「sp转载小说碧珊过堂」は「r18」「打屁股」等のタグがつけられた作品です。. Jp › wiki › 杖罪杖罪とは？ 意味をやさしく解説 サードペディア百科事典. 在 隋唐 五刑 中，笞刑、杖刑是比較輕的，打10至50下的為笞刑，打60至100下的為杖刑，責打部位為背部、臀部和腿部。 宋朝 則分為臀杖和脊杖，分別打屁股和背部，脊杖較重。 元朝 至 清末，笞刑、杖刑均只打臀部。. 이주은 딸감

이지은 sex 《地下调教室系列‧一袭红裙．中》 杖刑的试炼，紧接着热臀结束后开始少女趴在刑凳，娇臀在烛光下高翘。 木杖划空而落，臀上涟漪不绝。 每一杖，都令少女痛呼，但她未曾. 歡迎鐵屁屁挑戰真實版杖臀全刑 杖責大板杖臀全刑女主雙女主男主雙男主杖刑實踐體驗打屁股sp s. Com › index杖刑 smpedia. They flogged me for touching his book medieval punishments caning flogging flagellation. 杖刑 作为正式刑罚地位的确立始于 北魏孝文帝改革。 鞭、杖之刑由次刑入为正刑，始于北魏，孝文帝改革使鞭、杖正刑化，此次改革将源自游牧文化的鞭杖习俗与中原五刑体系结合 4。 隋唐时期， 杖刑 的体系与地位最终确立。.

이태원 클럽 후기 디시 Org › wiki › 杖罪杖罪 wikipedia. 侠客红尘：男人不狠，地位不稳！ post. 公堂杖责剧情的初步尝试多人场景还是很费神啊 pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站,实时搜索高速加载. Akinamisps tweet video. 雨萱@cutegirlsp18 twitter profile.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.