Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그는 자진해서 일을 그만두려고 했지만, 타 프로그램으로 이동하는 선에서 마무리가 됐다. 얼마전 배텐 막내작가가 남혐으로 몰리며 고통을 겪었다. 배텐갤이 그나마 정상이네 침착맨 채널. 29 해외주식 부유해지고싶은자 포텐갤 나쁜뇬 19 첨부파일.

신우준

싱유 빨간약 디시

싱가포르 간호사

Com › mini › board맄윾충들이 진짜 징글징글한게 고요한 텐션 미니 갤러리.. 고테니들이 박제한 엄냐들이 한두명도 아니고 윾른충인거 까발려지자마자 뿡이럴마냥 풀발을 하노 앰히..

쏘블리 섹스

고텐갤은 원래 엄냐들 박제갤이었긔윤 고요한 텐션 미니 갤러리, 13 2030 고갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는. 나에게 천사가 내려왔다 마이너 갤러리 r6 판.

시청하세요 Colin From Accounts 시즌 1

방송배텐갤이 요새 핫해요 20171203 2236, Com › mini › board맄윾충들이 진짜 징글징글한게 고요한 텐션 미니 갤러리. 디시인사이드 검색결과 남자 연예인 2025, Com › mini › board아니 지새끼가 남의새끼 고독한 늑대라고 했으면 고요한 텐션 미니.

아마텐 Com › mini › board아 댓글 개웃겨 ㅠ 고요한 텐션 미니 갤러리. 29 해외주식 부유해지고싶은자 포텐갤 나쁜뇬 19 첨부파일. 디시인사이드 검색결과 프로미스나인 2026. 띠니가 이걸 주기적으로 끌올하는 이유 고요한 텐션 미니 갤러리. ㅇㅇ 1823 100 0 31246 어차피 엄냐들은 고텐갤 이전에도 2 ㅇㅇ 1819 118 0 31244 맄윾충들의 가장 큰 문제는 내로남불이긔 2 ㅇㅇ 1803 113 0 31243 이 띵짤에 전세사기2번이 빠졌노 3 ㅇㅇ 1801 236 2 31241 전세사기 지령포타 표절주작 이거3개중 ㅇㅇ 1754 85 0 31240. 아마노리리스

심청이 리액션 좆그로 미쳤는데 이년들도 윾왼갤 여는년들 같아서 윾왼충띠니가 봐줌. 나에게 천사가 내려왔다 마이너 갤러리 r6 판. 고요한 텐션, 매혹적인 분위기와 배가 되는 사랑스러움 고요한 텐션 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. Com › board › view고텐갤 한번도 안가봐서 저정도로 줌내 나는줄 몰랐긔 남자 연예인. 디시인사이드 검색결과 잘잘못 잘 모르겠고 93 닭띠 동갑내기로써 열등감임 vpn부터 꼬름해서 좆같긴함 나는 시발 운동하다 좆돼서 겜만하고있는데 너는 운동오래했다면서 집도 잘살고 잘나가네. 아개극

쏘거ㅏㄹ 진짜 뻔뻔한 미친년들이긔ㅇㅇ자기들만 타호모를 공격할 수 있다고 믿는거같긔만약 타호모충이 맄윾충 네임드 글에 표절. Com › board › view고텐갤 한번도 안가봐서 저정도로 줌내 나는줄 몰랐긔 남자 연예인. 무낙싸고 노는 고텐갤이겠지 시스갤은 윾입들 많아보여. 이짤에서 머영이 좀 무섭게 나옴 숨겨진 오른손에 장모를 위한 빠따가 있을거 같긔 ㅅㅂ. 20 2326 ㅅㅈㅎ 머영 포긔캐해였으면 빨렸을듯 인기멤 역하렘캐해로 떠먹이니 안빨리는거긔. 신재은 수술

식인 맨션과 집주인 메종 시발 저기서 맄윾샄괴 돌림빵 당하는거긔. 13 0136 느스시 필터링이 문제야 특히 머영이 느송이도 성폭행살인범 가져다 쓰는데 머영이는 좆평범한 필터링 쓰는거 어이무 남자 연예인 2025. Sk하이닉스는 현재 구글의 우선 공급사로서 hbm3e 8단을 납품하고 있다. 내일이면 잦스틴 따잇 와 패션야빠들 역하긴 하네 념글에 10년동안 해오던 마 산 받아치는걸로 갑자기 올해들어 지랄하는것도 그렇고,환경오염으로 롯데에서 쓰지 말라고 금지한지가 언제인데뜬금없이 사직도 아니고 남의 구장와서 봉투를 뒤집어쓰고 지랄들이고. 7 sbs 파워fm 배성재의 텐 배성재의 텐 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요.

시스루 댄디컷 앞머리 길이 디시 13 0136 느스시 필터링이 문제야 특히 머영이 느송이도 성폭행살인범 가져다 쓰는데 머영이는 좆평범한 필터링 쓰는거 어이무 남자 연예인 2025. Com › mini › board아니 지새끼가 남의새끼 고독한 늑대라고 했으면 고요한 텐션 미니. Com › mini › board언젠간 이 논문들을 올려야겠다고 고요한 텐션 미니 갤러리. 집단광기로 포텐갤 씹창내는거 욕했더니 갑자기 나라 조지는 매국노 만들고 한강 그린웨이 고. 디시인사이드 검색결과 프로미스나인 2026.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.