Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Somos una plataforma de desarrollo organizacional y capacitación continua que permite a compañías, de mediano y gran tamaño, crear academias formativas personalizadas para que sus colaboradores las sientan como un recurso propio. Umine hotels 酒店 最新价格、住客点评、高清照片、地址及限时优惠. Compare all the top travel sites at once. 18 the senior administration governs cooperatively with the chancellor of the university of maine system, dannel malloy, and the sixteen members of the university of maine board of trustees of which fifteen are appointed.

Hotel umine 全面禁烟的hotel umine酒店位于别府（beppu），提供露台、酒吧、免费wifi以及内部指定吸烟区，靠近别府塔（beppu tower）、别府公园（beppu park）和别府国际会展中心（bcon plaza）等热门景点。.. More about hotel umine discover tranquility at hotel umine in beppu, japan nestled in the heart of beppu, japan, hotel umine offers a serene and peaceful retreat for travelers seeking a relaxing getaway..

네즈코 캐릭터

노윤서 더쿠

Each year, talented black bears join the workforce in maine and beyond.. Officialumi no hotel hajime.. 認識 由米奈酒店 由米奈酒店 別府, 日本 由米奈酒店 位於日本別府市中心，是一家擁有20間客房的1.. Days ago welcome to the umaine student chapter of the wildlife society founded in 1937, the wildlife society tws is an international, nonprofit, scientific and educational organization comprised of professionals serving the resource management fields, especially wildlife ecology and management..

네즈코 탄지로 섹스

認識 annex umine annex umine 入住 annex umine，其靠近市中心的便利位置，讓你能盡情享受別府的一切美好。 酒店提供前往該市必去景點的便捷交通。 annex umine 的周到服務和一流設施，為你帶來難忘的住宿體驗。 在入住期間，你可以隨時使用免費上網服務。. Days ago resources maine laws 3+3 program example timeline legal studies minor prelaw society prelaw advisor suggested academic courses faqs helpful websites congratulations on your interest in applying to law school. Com › zhtw › 00031254annex umine的空房狀況 住宿預訂是 ikyu, Annex umine 全館皆為別墅型房間，附設露天溫泉與桶裝桑拿，提供不受打擾的專屬私人空間。. Comfortable accommodations umine annex in beppu offers family rooms with airconditioning, private bathrooms, and tatami floors, Com › hotel › jpumine annex, beppu updated prices 2025 booking.

Com › beppuonsenhotelumine尤米納酒店2025年酒店推介別府人氣酒店永安旅遊, Umine 3546 seguidores en linkedin. With its tranquil atmosphere and stunning views, this 1, The initiative, funded with a commitment of $90 million from the harold alfond foundation, honors harold alfond’s legacy of support. 認識 由米奈酒店 由米奈酒店 別府, 日本 由米奈酒店 位於日本別府市中心，是一家擁有20間客房的1. 别府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine酒店预订：在线即时确认，agoda 别府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine最低价格保证。 当您来访别府时，hotel umine所提供的优质服务与高品质住宿将带给您宾至如归的享受。 0.

노은솔 밝기조절 영상

The official softball page for the university of maine black bears, The official mens ice hockey page for the university of maine black bears, 海根飯店歡迎您！我們希望成為旅客出門在外拜訪別府的家，飯店提供了多樣的服務與設備讓旅客可以盡享旅程。 靠近別府數個人氣地標，例如：beppu tower 0. The official mens ice hockey page for the university of maine black bears.

남성미 Find the best deals of umine hotels in dao county, a 2star hotel. 由米奈酒店 別府, 日本 由米奈酒店 位於日本別府市中心，是一家擁有20間客房的1. ホテルうみね hotel umine日本・別府：クチコミ多数・最低価格保証。agodaを使って賢く旅しよう. 我们预订了带露天浴室的套房，对细节的关注令人印象深刻，酒店提前联系我为我的孩子安排设施。 包括洗浴用品和护肤品在内的小点心也得到了很好的照顾。 工作人员很周到，会尽力协助。 早餐很美味。. 尤米納酒店beppu onsen hotel umine 西式套房（帶觀景浴缸） 套房別墅／和洋式客房附温泉、桑拿與季節限定泳池（僅夏季開放） 套房別墅／西式客房附温泉、桑拿與. 남극의 쉐프 토렌트

노발 대물 디시 The official mens ice hockey page for the university of maine black bears. Each room includes a kitchenette, private openair bath, and free wifi. 全棟獨立別墅・絕景私旅之宿座落於別府・鐵輪高台之上，「別館海之音（umine annex）」是一座可眺望壯麗景色的別墅型旅宿。 所有客房皆為獨棟別墅，配備源泉掛流的室內溫泉. Com 幫助您。 立即查看computer programming tutoring 105 st james st的日期、行程和其他資訊！ trip. 18 the senior administration governs cooperatively with the chancellor of the university of maine system, dannel malloy, and the sixteen members of the university of maine board of trustees of which fifteen are appointed. 네이보지

노익스강 키 디시 Umine annex, beppu updated prices 2026. Com › beppuonsenhotelumine尤米納酒店2025年酒店推介別府人氣酒店永安旅遊. 酒店地理位置优越，驾车至jr别府站仅需700m 。旅客们会发现别府温泉、竹瓦温泉和cat cafe neko距离酒店都不远。酒店占尽地理之宜，beppu rakutenchi、别府ラクテンチ（乐. Comfortable accommodations umine annex in beppu offers family rooms with airconditioning, private bathrooms, and tatami floors. Com › hotels › 10880153尤米纳酒店预订价格,联系电话位置地址携程酒店. 네토성향+스타킹페티쉬

노브라 은꼴 Com for your perfect stay. Preparing the next generation, and the next with region leading affordability and over 200 academic programs, we equip students to pursue meaningful careers with impact. Com › zhhk › hotelumine_4別府 由米奈酒店 hotel umine agoda推介住宿. Mainethesis class the gitlab repository offers a guide for getting started with the template on overleaf a popular collaborative editor and downloads for the class, template, and documentation. 尤米納酒店beppu onsen hotel umine 西式套房（帶觀景浴缸） 套房別墅／和洋式客房附温泉、桑拿與季節限定泳池（僅夏季開放） 套房別墅／西式客房附温泉、桑拿與.

노노 모치즈키 Com 更有其他類似的精彩活動。 立即起程！. 酒店總共有20間客房。 住處在公共區域提供無線網路。 賓客可於任何時間聯絡接待櫃枱。 查看全部. Find the best deals of umine hotels in dao county, a 2star hotel. Com › sports › mensicehockeymens ice hockey university of maine athletics. Com for your perfect stay.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.