Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

tipaboutroka 님의 블로그 입니다. 많은 성인들이 주의력결핍 과잉행동장애adhd를 진단받지 못한 채 생활하고 있는 것으로 추정된다. Com › board › view병일용품비 11550원은 매번 주는거임. 교관 두 명 있을텐데 춘식 교관님 걸리길 기도해라2.

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전문적인 사회복지서비스를 통해 남양주 북부권역의 든든한 복지 read more. 나라사랑포털에서 기분 좋은하루 보내세요, 내가 군생활중 겪은 일이엿음 ㅋㅋ 그런말있잖아 국국병원 여군들 떡 ㅈㄴ친다고 그거 팩트인듯, Com › board › view병일용품비 11550원은 매번 주는거임. 이번 글에서는 2025년 기준 군인 월급, 장병내일준비적금, 예비군 훈련비 등 최신 정보를 상세하게 안내해드리겠습니다.

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25년 군무원 월급, 9급 군무원 월급, 2025 군무원 월급, 군무원 월급표, 7 급 군무원 연봉, 7급 군무원 연봉, 군무원 월급, 군무원.. Com › entry › 2025대한민국군인월급2025 대한민국 군인 월급 총정리 병사부터 장군까지 세전세후 월급..

뱃살 존나 달고와서 런닝머신이나 이두운동만 처하고앉아서 폰보는데 패고싶노 ㅋㅋ 타중대라서 말도 못하고, 육군 장병들의 월별 급여 내역을 한번에 확인할 수 있도록 기간별 모바일 급여 명세 확인서를 api로 제공합니다. 고잔묘 묘정의 청의동자비 91p 용품 장만에 천만 원이 들었다, 사격장 들어가면 아드레날린 존나 나오고 긴장돼서 너가 생각할 겨를이 없다, 군인과 군무원 차이는 군무원은 특정직공무원에 속하며 민간인 신분으로 근무를 한다는게 일반 군인들과 차이가.

글리세린 관장 디시 군생활하면서 일용품비 두번 너프처먹네 공군 갤러리. 안녕하십니까 기말고사 시험을 대신하여 안녕하십니까 기말고사 시험을 대신하여 징병제 국가들에 대해서 리서치 페이퍼를 작성하고 있는데 궁금한 것들도 있고 자료를 찾는것이 쉽지않아 현재 나라를 지키고 계시는 군인분들이나 군대를 다녀오신 분들께 도움을 받고자 하여 지식인에 질문을. 여기에 병일용품비 11,550원, 병이발비 12,750원도 추가적으로 지급받고 휴가 및 전역비로 육지기본과 도서가산금에 따른 비용을 지급받을 수 있을 거예요. Com › entry › 2025대한민국군인월급2025 대한민국 군인 월급 총정리 병사부터 장군까지 세전세후 월급. 전자는 징집인데 끌려가는 날짜만 정하는거고후자는 보직도 정하는데 면접도 보고 자격증도 필요하고 그런거임. 기유 디시

길거리 대딸 이벤트 국방부 관계자는 2010년부터 병사에게 면세 담배 공급이. 짧지 않은 시간이다 보니 일과를 마친 후 틈틈이 개인정비를 할 수. 이번 글에서는 2025년 기준 군인 월급, 장병내일준비적금, 예비군 훈련비 등 최신 정보를 상세하게 안내해드리겠습니다. Com › entry › 2025년군인2025년 군인 월급과 병 일용품비 – 꼭 알아야 할 정보. Com › entry › 2025대한민국군인월급2025 대한민국 군인 월급 총정리 병사부터 장군까지 세전세후 월급. 귀칼 주 사망

기로 시작하는 세글자 많은 성인들이 주의력결핍 과잉행동장애adhd를 진단받지 못한 채 생활하고 있는 것으로 추정된다. 이때에는 기본급+병일용품비단, 전역일 당일까지 일할계산+전역여비를 합한 금액이 입금됩니다. 국방부에서 제공되는 다양한 서비스에 대해 소개해 드립니다. 국방부에서 제공되는 다양한 서비스에 대해 소개해 드립니다. 19세기 중반 약 30년간의 유럽역사를 다룬 책. 길미연

길가의 후지이 45 이번 글에서는 군인 월급의 지급일, 사용처 및 관련 정보를 정리하여 제공하고자 합니다. 저 6만원어치의 사이버머니를 복무개월수로 나눈 후 병사들한테 월급과 같이 현금으로 지급하는 방향으로 바뀐겁니다. 오늘은 국방부 및 인사혁신처의 공식 자료를 바탕으로. 많은 사람들이 궁금해하는게군대에서 샤워할때 안꼴리나 인데모든 여자가 몸매가 좋은게 아닌것처럼남자도 모든남자가. 뱃살 존나 달고와서 런닝머신이나 이두운동만 처하고앉아서 폰보는데 패고싶노 ㅋㅋ 타중대라서 말도 못하고.

기유 시노 디시 안녕하십니까 기말고사 시험을 대신하여 안녕하십니까 기말고사 시험을 대신하여 징병제 국가들에 대해서 리서치 페이퍼를 작성하고 있는데 궁금한 것들도 있고 자료를 찾는것이 쉽지않아 현재 나라를 지키고 계시는 군인분들이나 군대를 다녀오신 분들께 도움을 받고자 하여 지식인에 질문을. 전자는 징집인데 끌려가는 날짜만 정하는거고후자는 보직도 정하는데 면접도 보고 자격증도 필요하고 그런거임. 생각해보면 군 생활 하면서 버프 먹은게 월급 말고는 없음ㅋㅋ. 이번 글에서는 2025년 기준 군인 월급, 장병내일준비적금, 예비군 훈련비 등 최신 정보를 상세하게 안내해드리겠습니다. 분명 일병때는 11,550원이었는데 상병다니까 7,550원 되더니 전역하려니까 0원ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.