Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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Com › entiz › read소지섭 눈 82cook. 소지섭 쉽게 그리기라는 제목으로 게재된 2장의 그림 속에서는 2004년 방영된 드라마 미안하다 사랑한다의 차무혁 캐릭터가 표현돼있다. 드라마갤에서 캡쳐해놓은거 보면 놀랄정도로 잘 생긴 모습이 눈에 띄어요. 해당 방송에서는 소지섭이 절친으로 알려졌던 故 박용하의 사망 소식이. 소빠들아 니들이 사시를 좋아하든 말든 상관없는데 잘생긴 승헌오빠와 비교하지 좀 말아.

눈에 띄는 것은 소지섭 쉽게 그리기라는 제목에 맞게 소지섭의 눈 부분을 천원짜리.. 티비에서 보는거보다 30%정도 나은 느낌..

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Fan made mv so jisub ver, 소지섭 쉽게 그리기라는 제목으로 게재된 2장의 그림 속에서는 2004년 방영된 드라마 미안하다 사랑한다의 차무혁 캐릭터가 표현돼있다, 약간 서늘해 보이는 느낌인데 체감상 이런 눈이 여자들한테 인기가 많은 듯 하더군요, 뉴스 디시미디어 디시이슈 1 2 ‘극한 호우’ 쏟아진 17일 광주전남에 낙뢰 6천 97회 관측 안방인 줄무궁화호서 5칸 차지하고 드러누운 男에 ‘눈살’ 포착 층간소음에 머리통 언급한 쪽지법원 협박죄 해당 벌금형.

재미주의 관상 부처님, 세종대왕, 소지섭, 유승호 이승만 대통령. 소지섭 180181 무도 출연당시 맨발로 있을때 유재석보다 확실히 5센티 이상 컸으며 대신에 정준하보 다는 작았음,그리고 예전에 권상우 채림이랑 같이 나오던 sbs 드라마에서 권상우랑 키차이 2센티 정도 남. 하긴 이런 b급 얼굴로 소겔가면 원빈 권상우 뺨치는 얼굴 되겠지 까고있네 완전소중상우. 과거 방송된 tvn `명단공개 2015`에서는 소지섭과 박용하의 우정이 전파를 탔다, 잘생긴 얼굴에 딱 벌어진 어깨, 큰 키까지.

김지원은 특유의 깊은 눈빛과 나직한 내레이션으로 캐릭터를 완성했다. 연예 카테고리로 분류된 소지섭 갤러리 입니다. 소빠들아 니들이 사시를 좋아하든 말든 상관없는데 잘생긴 승헌오빠와 비교하지 좀 말아.

롤플레이 Asmr

라는 생각 맨날 했었는데 실물 진짜 미침ㅋㅋㅋ 소지섭 잘생겼다는 생각. 전 흘깃흘깃 봤었을 땐 그냥 괜찮구나 했는데 주군의 태양 보면서 처음으로 자세히 봤는데요아, 떨려요, 눈 모양, 눈동자 위치, 얼굴 전체적인 어울림 등이 다 다르니딱 집어서 뭐라 말은 못하겠는데 소지섭 눈은 무지 매력있네요. 연예 카테고리로 분류된 소지섭 갤러리 입니다.

코가 이쁜 남자들을 좋아하다보니박해진,박보검,소지섭, 코가 이쁜 남자들을 좋아하다보니박해진,박보검,소지섭, 은근히 재밌는 소지섭 인스타에 mz샷까지 등장했다 그리고 드디어 확정된 차기작, 장동건 tv로 봤을때 저게 잘생긴건가. 그거 아이홀 눈주름이라 보면 됨 나이들면 생겨 무쌍들. 말수가 적은 대신 눈빛으로, 내레이션으로 감정을 드러내는 캐릭터였다.

린유 입싸

티비에서 보는거보다 30%정도 나은 느낌, 잘생긴 얼굴에 딱 벌어진 어깨, 큰 키까지, 소지섭같은 애들하고는 비교도 안되니까 비교 하지도마, 소지섭 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 장동건 tv로 봤을때 저게 잘생긴건가. Com › qna › dirs소지섭 눈 네이버 지식in m.

로또 꿈 Com › entiz › read소지섭 눈 82cook. 미남 탤런트 소지섭이 최고의 매력 포인트인 눈을 수술할 뻔했던 사연을 털어놨다. Com › index일상잡담 소지섭 눈이 관상학적으로 좋은 눈이래. 요즘도 언뜻 언뜻 지연중이나 천년지애때 모습도 보이던걸요. 생겼으니 없애야지 시술해야지 소지섭 왜 관리안해. 로미오와 줄리엣 1968 19

롤 히토미 소지섭 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 잘생긴 얼굴에 딱 벌어진 어깨, 큰 키까지. 김지원은 특유의 깊은 눈빛과 나직한 내레이션으로 캐릭터를 완성했다. 눈 모양, 눈동자 위치, 얼굴 전체적인 어울림 등이 다 다르니딱 집어서 뭐라 말은 못하겠는데 소지섭 눈은 무지 매력있네요. Com › watchso jisub ・소지섭 ソ・ジソブ 蘇志燮『마음을 미치게 하는 눈』 yo. 리바이 임신 디시

로리 딸감 Com › entiz › read소지섭 눈 82cook. 재미주의 관상 부처님, 세종대왕, 소지섭, 유승호 이승만 대통령. 라는 생각 맨날 했었는데 실물 진짜 미침ㅋㅋㅋ 소지섭 잘생겼다는 생각. 하긴 이런 b급 얼굴로 소겔가면 원빈 권상우 뺨치는 얼굴 되겠지 까고있네 완전소중상우. Kr › article › 2722731소지섭 눈 성형수술할까 고민했었다. 리나콘

루코 남친 하긴 이런 b급 얼굴로 소겔가면 원빈 권상우 뺨치는 얼굴 되겠지 까고있네 완전소중상우. 그거 아이홀 눈주름이라 보면 됨 나이들면 생겨 무쌍들. 요즘도 언뜻 언뜻 지연중이나 천년지애때 모습도 보이던걸요. 장동건 tv로 봤을때 저게 잘생긴건가. 소빠들아 니들이 사시를 좋아하든 말든 상관없는데 잘생긴 승헌오빠와 비교하지 좀 말아.

르끌견 그거 아이홀 눈주름이라 보면 됨 나이들면 생겨 무쌍들. 드라마갤에서 캡쳐해놓은거 보면 놀랄정도로 잘 생긴 모습이 눈에 띄어요. 소지섭 쉽게 그리기라는 제목으로 게재된 2장의 그림 속에서는 2004년 방영된 드라마 미안하다 사랑한다의 차무혁 캐릭터가 표현돼있다. 재미주의 관상 부처님, 세종대왕, 소지섭, 유승호 이승만 대통령. 티비에서 보는거보다 30%정도 나은 느낌.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.