Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Guide › restaurants › 06c0874bb2734fb4a1cc인도 카레 triple. 후쿠오카 카레혼포 하카타 야끼카레 찐 현지인 맛집, 추천메뉴와 솔직평 2025. 후쿠오카 카레맛집 카와바타시장 카레혼포 하카타 본점 네이버 블로그 일본 196개의 글 목록열기. 카타르 레스토랑에서 수행한 메인쉐프가 있는 본격 인도요리전문점.

이응경 유출

이시유미 팬박스

후쿠오카 카레혼포 하카타 야끼카레 찐 현지인 맛집, 추천메뉴와 솔직평 2025, 각 지역의 특색을 반영한 다양한 카레 요리를 통해 인도의 문화와 전통을 경험해 보세요, 후쿠오카 카레 전문점 카레혼포 하카타 본점 伽哩本舗 本店 네이버 블로그 24 fukuoka 10개의 글 목록열기. 일본 최대의 맛집 사이트 tabelog에서는 사용자의 리뷰와 평가를 바탕으로 독자적으로 산출한 랭킹으로 인기 있는 맛집, 맛있는 레스토랑. Com › 99s_asia › 40202896424후쿠오카 맛집 카레가 맛있는 하카타역 맛집 네. 여기는 맛집은 아니고 간편하게 먹기 좋고 조금은 특이한 식사를 파는 곳으로 일본에서 은근 매니아층이 형성되어 있는 인도카레식당 데이토스카레입니다.

이주은sex

입맛이 까다로운 편이라 여행가면 메뉴고르기가 늘 어렵다 특히나 해외의 경우 많이 조심스러운편, Japan, 〒8120012 fukuoka, hakata ward, hakataekichūōgai, 1−1 博多デイトス地下 1階 전화. 하카타 데이토스 지하 1층 에스컬레이터 근처에 있습니다. Com › somiso001 › 223861907655일본 하카타 카레맛집 카레혼포 하카타 본점 후기 네이버 블로.

인도 카레는 인도에서 유래되었으며 향신료가 너무 많아서 미각이 폭발할 것입니다.. 후쿠오카 하카타 카레맛집 분카야 카레 네이버 블로그 일본후쿠오카여행 14개의 글 목록열기..

오늘은 일본 커리 전문집에 대해 리뷰를 하려고 합니다, Hakata, 후쿠오카 의 음식점 hakata 인도 요리 음식점에 대한 트립어드바이저의 여행자 리뷰를 참고하시고,요리,가격,위치 등의 조건으로 검색해보세요, 저같은 여행객을 위한 가게는 아니에요 때문에 메뉴의 선택권이 넓습니다.

Indian curry 하카타카레 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. 6번 포크 커틀렛 돈까스 카레를 주문했습니다 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다, 🔥 집에서 만드는 인도 카레 레시피.

카트만두스는 하카타 역 근처에 위치한 도심의 숨겨진 인도 레스토랑입니다, 후쿠오카 하카타 카레맛집 분카야 카레 네이버 블로그 일본후쿠오카여행 14개의 글 목록열기. 오늘은 일본 커리 전문집에 대해 리뷰를 하려고 합니다, 36종의 향신료를 사용한 본격 카레는 총 23종, 화덕에서 구운 난은 13종으로, 인도에서 오랜 수련을 쌓은 셰프가 만드는 특별한 요리를 만끽해 보세요, 각 지역의 특색을 반영한 다양한 카레 요리를 통해 인도의 문화와 전통을 경험해 보세요.

파란색, 핑크색 등 총천연색의 카레, 고베규, 대게 등 호화재료가 들어간 카레를 digjapan. 인도 카레 가람 마샬라 by 그로플 2021. 전 세계인의 마음과 입맛을 사로잡은 사랑받는 다양한 요리인 카레는 풍부하고 매혹적인 역사를 가지고 있습니다. 전 세계인의 마음과 입맛을 사로잡은 사랑받는 다양한 요리인 카레는 풍부하고 매혹적인 역사를 가지고 있습니다. 후쿠오카카레맛집으로 많이 나오더라구요.

이재명 음주운전 횟수 디시

장르도 개성도 가지각색 중독성 있는 후쿠오카의 카레. 저같은 여행객을 위한 가게는 아니에요 때문에 메뉴의 선택권이 넓습니다, Com › maeilcrew › 223101508027후쿠오카여행 하카타역 맛집 인도카레 데이토스 지하식당가 돈까스.

인도에서 수입한 인도카레를 구할 수 있다면 더 정통식을 살릴 수 있지만. 하카타 데이토스 지하 1층 에스컬레이터 근처에 있습니다, 후쿠오카 하카타맛집 켄즈카레 안녕하세요, 후쿠오카시 하카타구의 추천 인도 카레. 후쿠오카 카레 맛집으로 추천하는 후쿠오카 현지인 맛집 하카타 카레혼포 솔직후기 꾸덕꾸덕하게 진한 카.

카타르 레스토랑에서 수행한 메인쉐프가 있는 본격 인도요리전문점.. 인도 카레, 인도 요리, 네팔 요리의 나마스테입니다.. Com › bokamom › 224164246168분당 정자 인도카레 아이와 카리 분당정자카페점 커플세트 네이버..

이채영 젖꼭지

Guide › restaurants › 06c0874bb2734fb4a1cc인도 카레 triple, Com › 20aug19 › 223269475499후쿠오카 카레맛집 카와바타시장 카레혼포 하카타 본점 네이버 블로. 1️⃣다채로운 향신료의 조화 카레 가루만으로는 부족해요. 타이 카레는 태국에서 유래한 것으로, 피쉬 소스와 코코넛 향이 나는 상큼하고 신맛이, Indian curry 하카타카레 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요, 원하는 고기에 맞게 가루를 골라서 사용하자.

이탈리안 브레인롯 영어 메뉴판이 있어서 어려움 없이 주문할 수 있었어요. 인도 카레의 매혹 종류별로 알아보는 카레의 역사와 풍미 인도 카레는 단순한 요리를 넘어서, 다양한 문화와 전통이 어우러진 인도의 정체성을 담고 있습니다. 이 탓에 정작 원조인 커리는 기존의 일본식 카레와 구별하기 위해 인도 카레라는 명칭으로 판매되고 있다. 19세기 후반 영국인에 의해 일본에 소개된 일본 카레는 일반적으로 밥 카레 라이스과 함께 제공되며 진하고 부드러운 향신료가 들어간 그레이비가 특징인 편안한 음식으로 사랑받고 있습니다. Com › somiso001 › 223861907655일본 하카타 카레맛집 카레혼포 하카타 본점 후기 네이버 블로. 이시연 야동

이안 직캠 추천 디시 파란색, 핑크색 등 총천연색의 카레, 고베규, 대게 등 호화재료가 들어간 카레를 digjapan. 후쿠오카현 인도 요리, 카레 정보에서 마음에 드는 맛집을 골라 주세요. 1️⃣다채로운 향신료의 조화 카레 가루만으로는 부족해요. 인도 카레 가람 마샬라 by 그로플 2021. 후쿠오카시 하카타구의 추천 인도 카레. 이세돌 굴 논란 디시

이세돌 근황 하지만 맥주만 있다면 일단 숟가락은 들고본다. Com › bokamom › 224164246168분당 정자 인도카레 아이와 카리 분당정자카페점 커플세트 네이버. 인도 카레 가람 마샬라 by 그로플 2021. 후쿠오카 하카타 카레맛집 분카야 카레 네이버 블로그 일본후쿠오카여행 14개의 글 목록열기. Com › 99s_asia › 40202896424후쿠오카 맛집 카레가 맛있는 하카타역 맛집 네. 이이경 폭로 자 sns

이예림 디시 Com › somiso001 › 223861907655일본 하카타 카레맛집 카레혼포 하카타 본점 후기 네이버 블로. 후쿠오카 카레 맛집으로 추천하는 후쿠오카 현지인 맛집 하카타 카레혼포 솔직후기 꾸덕꾸덕하게 진한 카. 메뉴에 볶음밥이라고 적힌 비리야니는 바스마티 쌀이 가볍고 부드러우며, 치킨 티카나. 후쿠오카 맛집 카레가 맛있는 하카타역 맛집. Com › bsb7411 › 223392159552후쿠오카 카레 전문점 카레혼포 하카타 본점 伽哩本舗 本店.

이아린 유출 원하는 고기에 맞게 가루를 골라서 사용하자. 아무튼, 인도, 파키스탄, 사이가 좋든 나쁘든 이웃사촌이니 카레스타일이 비슷한걸로 한국에서도 중동스타일 카레제품이 생각보다 흔하다. 영어 메뉴판이 있어서 어려움 없이 주문할 수 있었어요. 오늘은 후쿠오카 고후쿠마치에 있는 본장 인도카레집. Com › bokamom › 224164246168분당 정자 인도카레 아이와 카리 분당정자카페점 커플세트 네이버.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.