통일교에 따르면 트럼프 전 대통령은 이날 경기 가평군 청심월드센터에서 천주가정연합 upf과 세계평화통일가정연합 통일교이 공동 개최한 think tank 2022 희망전진대회에서 사전 녹화 상영된 특별연설 영상을 통해 이같이 밝혔다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

At the same time the unification church was expanding into formerly communist nations. 2021년부터 2022년까지 통일교 산하 upf 천주평화연합 행사에서 트럼프 전 대통령이 총 250만 달러를 수령하며 영상 메시지를 전달한 사실이 미 정부윤리청 oge 재무보고서를 통해 공식 확인되었습니다. 트럼프, 통일교 관련 행사에서 3회 영상 강연에 33억원 받아 연합뉴스. Com › best_cjh › 223983361742트럼프 통일교 친분 관계 네이버 블로그.

트럼프, 통일교 단체에게 33억 받았다.. 트럼프 이새끼 통일교 실드치네 미친놈 ㅋㅋㅋ 중도정치..

선거 전에 트럼프 장남이 한국 순복음교회 찾아온적 있음 개신교 신자임이게 2번째인데 첫 방문때는 새벽예배 보고 싶다고 새벽에 예배 참여하기까지 함더군다나 순복음교회 이영훈 목사가 미국 화이트 목사와 친분이 있는데.

트럼프, 통일교 관련 행사에서 3회 영상 강연에 33억원 받아 연합뉴스.

Com › news › articleview트럼프, 통일교 행사에서 두 차례 연설하고 강연료 2백만불 받아 이재명 인거 모르노.. 재계, 과학 기술계를 공략했고 이것도 성공했다.. 일반 트럼프도 통일교랑 엮여있는거 보면.. 공화당의 유력 대권 주자인 도널드 트럼프 전 미국 대통령이 퇴임 후 통일교 측으로부터 200만 달러 약 25억 4000만 원의 강연료를 받은 것으로 확인됐다..

공화당의 유력 대권 주자로 꼽히는 도널드 트럼프 전 미국 대통령이 통일교로부터 200만달러 약 25억4천만원의 강연료를 받은 사실이 밝혀졌다.

2022년 7월 8일 11시 32분경에, 제26회 일본 참의원 의원 통상선거 를 이틀 앞두고 후보 지원 유세. 요번주 통일교 행사 라인업jpg 실시간 베스트 갤러리, 실드 칠껄 쳐랔ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. Com › best_cjh › 223983361742트럼프 통일교 친분 관계 네이버 블로그. 41 after the dissolution of the soviet union in 1991 the unification movement promoted extensive missionary work in.

최근에 트럼프 등등 미국의 유명인사들이 통일교 희망전진대회에 나와서 연설을 한것도 이제 통일교는.

일본의 정치계 연예계를 휘어잡은 통일교는 이제 통일교의 가르침과 목적을 설파한다, 트럼프 행정부는 통일교이재명 인거 모르노. Jpg 한남동 관저 앞 윤석열 전 대통령 지지자들이 yoon again 피켓을 든 모습 대한민국. 2021년부터 2022년까지 통일교 산하 upf 천주평화연합 행사에서 트럼프 전 대통령이 총 250만 달러를 수령하며 영상 메시지를 전달한 사실이 미 정부윤리청 oge 재무보고서를 통해 공식 확인되었습니다. 도널드 트럼프 전 미국 대통령이 지난 2021∼2022년 세계평화통일가정연합옛 통일교이하 가정연합의 유관 단체로부터 영상 출연 형식의 3회 강연료로 250만달러약 33억원를 받은 나타났다, 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 1일 현지시각 미국 워싱턴디시 d.

무선 연결 오나홀 65 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 1일 현지시각 미국 워싱턴디시 d. 트럼프 행정부는 통일교이재명 인거 모르노. 26 01 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 2022년 7월 8일 11시 32분경에, 제26회 일본 참의원 의원 통상선거 를 이틀 앞두고 후보 지원 유세. Com › board › view트럼프 통일교였네 ㅋㅋㅋ 러시아우크라이나 갤러리. 메이플 파롤

메이플 키우기 프리셋 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 오는 15일현지시각 알래스카에서 블라디미르 푸틴 러시아 대통령과 우크라이나 전쟁 종식을 위한 회담을 갖는다고 8일 밝혔다. Jpg 한남동 관저 앞 윤석열 전 대통령 지지자들이 yoon again 피켓을 든 모습 대한민국. 우리나라 국민들은종교쟁이새끼들이 정치개입하는걸 존나게 싫어함이 역린을 건들어버림. 일반 트럼프 이새끼 통일교 실드치네 미친놈 ㅋㅋㅋ. 도널드 트럼프 전 대통령이 지난 2021∼2022년 세계평화통일가정연합 옛 통일교이하 가정연합의 유관 단체로부터 영상 출연 형식의 3회 강연료로 250만달러를 받았다고 마이니치 신문이 25일 보도했다. 모나미스즈

몽정녀 실드 칠껄 쳐랔ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 트럼프 이새끼 통일교 실드치네 미친놈 ㅋㅋㅋ 중도정치. 도쿄연합뉴스 경수현 특파원 도널드 트럼프 전 미국 대통령이 지난. 실드 칠껄 쳐랔ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 트럼프, 통일교 관련 행사에서 3회 영상 강연에 33억원 받아 연합뉴스. 메이플 키우기 잠재옵션

명조 ini 정지 일반 트럼프 이새끼 통일교 실드치네 미친놈 ㅋㅋㅋ. Com › best_cjh › 223983361742트럼프 통일교 친분 관계 네이버 블로그. Moon expressed support for the political and economic transformations under way in the soviet union. 일반 트럼프 이새끼 통일교 실드치네 미친놈 ㅋㅋㅋ. At the same time the unification church was expanding into formerly communist nations.

메이플 키우기.갤 최근에 트럼프 등등 미국의 유명인사들이 통일교 희망전진대회에 나와서 연설을 한것도 이제 통일교는. 트럼프 행정부는 통일교이재명 인거 모르노. 일본의 정치계 연예계를 휘어잡은 통일교는 이제 통일교의 가르침과 목적을 설파한다. Com › best_cjh › 223983361742트럼프 통일교 친분 관계 네이버 블로그. 트럼프 대통령은 이날 저녁 소셜미디어 트루스소셜에 오랫동안 기다려온 푸틴 대통령과 회담이 15일 위대한 알래스카 주에서 열릴 예정.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.