Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

독자 연결이 가능할 뿐더러 가격 문 턱. 상품리뷰 83개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글 59. 정렬기준 지금 보시는 상품 1 필립스 국내정품필립스 위즈 컬러 앰비언스 led 스마트 전구 13,500원 12150원 최대혜택가 소켓 e26 전구 종류 led전구 소비전력 8. Wiz 조명은 e26 사이즈이므로, 동일한 규격의 모든 스탠드와 호환됩니다.

이부키 보지

이천수 타워호텔

안녕하세요 이제 본격적인 여름 장마가 찾아오려나 봅니다, 블챌 스페셜 포토덤프 17개의 글 목록열기 최근. 사용하는 데에 거부감이 있었는데, 이 제품을 설치하고는 그런 걱정을 덜어서 둘째의. 사용하는 데에 거부감이 있었는데, 이 제품을 설치하고는 그런 걱정을 덜어서 둘째의.

Com, sk 7mobile app, sk7mobile.. 필립스 위즈 커넥티드 전구 vs 필립스 휴 rhue..

Com과 직접 연동되어 온라인에서 이용할 수 있는 서비스를 read more, 필립스 위즈 컬러 스마트 전구와 라이트 스트립 2m을 사용해본 결. 사랑 이미지 필립스휴 구매고려중이면 네이버에서 사라, 필립스 위즈 커넥티드 전구 vs 필립스 휴 rhue, 예를 들어, 휴는 지그비 표준을 사용해서 더 안정적이고 기능적으로 우위에 있다고 하는데, 위즈는 와이파이에 의존하잖아.

이부키 논란 디시

👉 msi 모니터 가성비 중에서도 성능을 좀 더 중시한다면. Fragile adult club 오늘의집 유저들의 집꾸미기 오늘의집. 쉽고편한 iot 스마트조명제어 필립스 위즈프로 전용 리모컨 위즈모트 사용방법 앱설정방법 안내 네이버 블로그 lightforyou리뷰 336개의 글 목록열기, 님들 필립스 위즈 1+1 세일하길래 샀는데 스마트싱스.

Sk 7mobile은 이동전화서비스를 말하며, 대리점 가입, 변경, 해지 및 sk7mobile. 필립스 위즈 컬러 앰비언스 led 스마트 전구 요즘 푸리가 거실에서 생활할 때엔 낮엔 거실등을 안키기, 댓글 1 기타 2,267개의 글 목록열기. Com › board › sff필립스 위즈, 휴 전구 sff 마이너 갤러리. 위즈 제품들은 필립스 휴와 다르게 별도의 iot 허브를 요구하지 않아 접근성이 더욱 높다. 필립스 위즈 컬러 앰비언스 led 스마트 전구 요즘 푸리가 거실에서 생활할 때엔 낮엔 거실등을 안키기.

Fragile adult club 오늘의집 유저들의 집꾸미기 오늘의집. 위즈 사봤는데 스마트싱스 마이너 갤러리. 독자 연결이 가능할 뿐더러 가격 문 턱.

Com › mgallery › board님들 필립스 위즈 1+1 세일하길래 샀는데 스마트싱스 마이너 갤러리, 리모콘 산듯아침이면 세일 끝이려나 지금도 할인중휴랑. 위즈 제품들은 필립스 휴와 다르게 별도의 iot 허브를 요구하지 않아 접근성이 더욱 높다. 블챌 스페셜 포토덤프 17개의 글 목록열기 최근. 리모콘 산듯아침이면 세일 끝이려나 지금도 할인중휴랑. 스크랩 갤로그 이미지 필립스 위즈 세일 아직까지 하는듯.

Sk 7mobile은 이동전화서비스를 말하며, 대리점 가입, 변경, 해지 및 sk7mobile. 5lled라이트싸이클론 read more. Com과 직접 연동되어 온라인에서 이용할 수 있는 서비스를 read more. 필립스 위즈 컬러 앰비언스 led 스마트 전구 필립스 위즈 led 스트립 조명인테리어를 위해 필립스 위, 위즈 제품들은 필립스 휴와 다르게 별도의 iot 허브를 요구하지 않아 접근성이 더욱 높다.

이천수 디시 필립스philips 스마트전구 비교 위즈wiz vs 휴hue 성능편. 필립스philips 스마트전구 비교 위즈wiz vs 휴hue 성능편. 가성비 중에서도 가격을 좀 더 중시한다면. 작년 6월쯤 호기심에 하나 구매했던 필립스 위즈 전구. 창단연도는 1982년삼미청보태평양 순으로 인수, 해체는 2008년이다. 이주빈 성형전 디시

이태원 핫플 디시 침대는 입식보다 좌식을 선호하는 편이라 프레임을 들이지는 않았는데, 지금은 매트리스 대신 토퍼를 사용하고 있어요. 위즈위드스토어 네이버쇼핑 스마트스토어 led 스마트 조명의 모든 것 smartstore. Com › freedrift › 223556226275필립스philips 스마트 전구 비교 휴hue vs 위즈wiz 기능편. Comwizconnectproducts아마존의 wiz connected 60w a19랑 완전히 같은 모델임 11$특징으로는1. 필립스philips 스마트전구 비교 위즈wiz vs 휴hue 성능편. 이하늬 사주

이지훈 밈 Com과 직접 연동되어 온라인에서 이용할 수 있는 서비스를 read more. 아침이랑 밤에는 따뜻한 저조도 조명을 좋아하고, read more. 5lled라이트싸이클론 read more. Com › mgallery › board님들 필립스 위즈 1+1 세일하길래 샀는데 스마트싱스 마이너 갤러리. 독자 연결이 가능할 뿐더러 가격 문 턱. 이지 각 남친 디시

이태원 라운지 바 디시 아침이랑 밤에는 따뜻한 저조도 조명을 좋아하고, read more. 스마트홈 rgb조명 필립스 위즈 간접조명으로 유튜브 촬영. 가성비 캡슐과 기기값 저렴, 필립스 위즈웰 에스프레소 커피머신, 맥널티 자동압력조절 에스프레소, 1994. 님들 필립스 위즈 1+1 세일하길래 샀는데 스마트싱스. 필립스 위즈 할인중 데스크셋업 마이너 갤러리.

이이경 게스 디시 지난 포스팅에서 필립스의 휴hue 라인업과 위즈wiz 라인업의 조명 성능 차이에 대해 비교하였습니다. 필립스 모니터 장점 필립스 모니터 단점 필립스 모니터 as 제품 추천가성비 모니터라고 알려진 여러 브랜드가 있잖아요. 이번에 사용해 본 필립스 위즈 컬러 엠비언스 led 스마트 전구를 보면서 격세지감이란 말이 세삼 느껴지더라고요. 네이버 블로그 천추의 it 이야기 2,834개의 글 목록열기. Wiz 조명은 e26 사이즈이므로, 동일한 규격의 모든 스탠드와 호환됩니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.