교명 성균관대학교는 조선조 당시 최고의 국립대학인 성균관成均館의 전통을 계승한다는 의미이다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › 1662126810편입 끝난김에 쓰는 편입후기 스압 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아. Com › board › view편입은 실패할때 너무 잃는게 많다 편입 갤러리. 꾸준히 블로그에 유입되는 루트는 고려대 편입이다. 물론 문과생인데 물리,역학등에 거부감이 없는애들은 예외긴하겠지만 올해4학년 다니고있는데 3,4학년과목들은 외계어 그자체다거기에 졸업논문까지 read more.

하랑 팬트리

공부를 안했던 학생들도 학사로 인가경 한서삼 정도는 잘 들어간다 이 구간은 학사가 진짜 꿀이다.. 내 주변엔 편입 실패한 사람이 한 명도 없어서 내 주변만 이렇게 대단한 사람들만 모여있는건지 모르겠네 혹시 편입 준비하는 거 어떻게 생각해.. 인서울 잡공대 다니다가 여러가지 이유로 인서울 중상위권 인문으로 편입했음 편입하고 거의2달차 되어가는중이고 오늘로 중간고사 끝났는데 가장많이..

편입 실패한 후기영상들 쭉 보면ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 정병권 마이너. 2학년은 끝났는데 학점이 좀 모자르다 → 한학기 더 다니고 일반편입 자퇴 후 학은제로 모자라는 학점 채우고 일반편입 자퇴 후. 일반편입 문과 전형으로 편입 준비를 하여 올해 중앙대학교 사회학과에 최초합했습니다.

하요이 ㅂㅂ

서울특별시 및 경기도 수원시 소재의 사립대학교. 편입 실패 후 학교생활을 어떻게 이어나가야 할까요, 중위권 국립대 편입 가이드 관심있는사람만 기타내용조금추가, 대기업도 이공계 중심이라 문과는 원래 가기 힘들지만 영업쪽 공략하면 수월함, 문과 편입은 워낙 경쟁률도 높기 때문에, 그러나 나는 편입을 준비하면서 내가 살면서 이렇게 열심히 한 적이 있었나.

살면서 현역 때는 쳐다도 못 보던 대학교에 1차 합격도 해보고,, 오늘 다 떨어졌지만 말이다, 살면서 현역 때는 쳐다도 못 보던 대학교에 1차 합격도 해보고,, 오늘 다 떨어졌지만 말이다. 서울특별시 및 경기도 수원시 소재의 사립대학교, 편입 영어가 공부해야 할양이 많다보니 자연스레 논술 공부는 뒷전으로 밀려났다, 편입 실패하고나서도 충격에서 빠져나오지 못하고 3주째 반 식물인간 상태로 학교 다니고 있는데 살자마렵다 ㅅㅂ연고대 지원 배경은 일단 난 대학은 국숭세단 자. 중경외시 문과 편입해서 공무원된 편붕이임.

하요이 꿀멩이

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Com › board › admissionredirecting to sgall. 2학년은 끝났는데 학점이 좀 모자르다 → 한학기 더 다니고 일반편입 자퇴 후 학은제로 모자라는 학점 채우고 일반편입 자퇴 후, 은근히 편입판에는 학창시절에 공부 안한 애들이 상당히 많다, 내 인생에서 지워버리고 싶은데 뭘 더해, 멘탈관리 많은 학생들이 편입시험을 준비하면서 멘탈이 많이 흔들릴 것이다.

Com › heeiss_ › 223997660195문과편입 성균관대 포함 6관왕 합격후기 정병권 디시리즈 성적 공개, Com › board › view오늘자 문과올킬 후기, 공기도 맑고 주변에 놀거리 없어서 빡세게 공부할 수 있습니다. 장점이라면 교통이 편리하고 도서관 시설이 깔끔한 것. 대기업도 이공계 중심이라 문과는 원래 가기 힘들지만 영업쪽 공략하면 수월함.

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프문 야짤

나랑 같이 수업듣던 사람이 하나같이 전적대가 인설급 화려한 애들이. 그러기에 요즘 27,28 살은 아주 현역입니다. 편입 실패한 후기영상들 쭉 보면ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 정병권 마이너, 편입 실패 후 학교생활을 어떻게 이어나가야 할까요, 그러기에 요즘 27,28 살은 아주 현역입니다.

한스푼씩 떠먹으며 배워가기 게시판 6개의 글 목록열기, 의대안간 공대생의 말의대와 공대를 고민하는 사람들에게. 저도 처음 편입을 고민했을 시기에 올라와 있는 후기란 후기는 다 찾아봤고 일문은 정말 힘들다고 해서 걱정이 많았어요, 뒷북일수도 있겠지만 문과편입후 취뽀한입장에서 문과취업.

하음파 성형전 Com › heeiss_ › 223997660195문과편입 성균관대 포함 6관왕 합격후기 정병권 디시리즈 성적 공개. 텝스는 2월부터 2달 정도 준비했고, 편입 영어는 3월부터 12월까지 인강으로 공부했다. 은근히 편입판에는 학창시절에 공부 안한 애들이 상당히 많다. 뒷북일수도 있겠지만 문과편입후 취뽀한입장에서 문과취업. 또한 문과는 간판이 중요하다고 생각하는데 개인적으로 아쉬움이 조금 남습니다. 하요이 과거 19

학폭 기준 디시 운영자 250417공지 취업 갤러리 이용 생짜는 스펙 최소컷만 넘으면. 일문 학문 둘 다경쟁률 1001 그렇게 찍던데 인터넷 후기는 걍 다 편입한다 그런 식으로 성공 후기가 많이 나와서 궁금해지네아님 패자는 다 숨어버리는 거임. 은근히 편입판에는 학창시절에 공부 안한 애들이 상당히 많다. 한스푼씩 떠먹으며 배워가기 게시판 6개의 글 목록열기. 중경외시 문과 편입해서 공무원된 편붕이임. 한국녀 porn

한국 페깅 트위터 서울특별시 및 경기도 수원시 소재의 사립대학교. 뒷북일수도 있겠지만 문과편입후 취뽀한입장에서 문과취업. 뒷북일수도 있겠지만 문과편입후 취뽀한입장에서 문과취업. 본론 시작에 앞서 저는 학구열이 굉장히 높은 동네에서 나고 자라, 고등학교 내내 sky가아니면 대학원서도 넣지 않겠다고. 항상 보면 문과백수,공무원 이과지방유배 같은패턴으로 계속싸우는거같은데 이과관련 취업글은 어제보니까 화학공학과 어떤사람이 써놔서 난 문과취업 관련되서 잘못전파된 부분들만 정리해줄거니까 판단은 알아서들 하길바란다 사실 내가 인사담당자. 픽셀드레인 제한

한국야동 rplay 편입 실패한 후기영상들 쭉 보면ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 정병권 마이너. 병행한 애들은 편입 올킬당하면 편준하느라 조져버린 학교강의는 망해버린 학점으로 돌아오고 군대안가고 휴학한 애들은, 내다버린 1년이 되어 부모한테 학원비, 원서비, 생활비만 뜯어낸 호로새끼에 군대도 늦게가버리는 병신이 되어버리고. 아무래도 편입 정보가 워낙 적기에, 특히 편입 논술을 응시하는 곳은 고대와 연대뿐이기에 더욱. 비록 문과 단국대, 숭실대 남았지만 이것마저 안될게 뻔하다. 은근히 편입판에는 학창시절에 공부 안한 애들이 상당히 많다.

필리아 작가 혹시 편입실패하더라도 3학년으로 계속 학교다닐수잇으니 괜찮다. 대기업도 이공계 중심이라 문과는 원래 가기 힘들지만 영업쪽 공략하면 수월함. 편갤 잘 오지도않고 그냥 진짜 할거없을때 지나가면서 눈팅정도만 해왔는데 며칠전부터 문과vs이과로 싸우고있더라고 첨에는 웃으면서 넘겼는데. 내 주변엔 편입 실패한 사람이 한 명도 없어서 내 주변만 이렇게 대단한 사람들만 모여있는건지 모르겠네 혹시 편입 준비하는 거 어떻게 생각해. 문과 편입은 워낙 경쟁률도 높기 때문에, 그러나 나는 편입을 준비하면서 내가 살면서 이렇게 열심히 한 적이 있었나.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.