Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Jp › docs › t7esnsトラブル防止動画 神奈川県ホームページ. 神奈川県が制作した『危険ドラッグの恐怖』というタイトルがついた30秒cmである。 2015年8月18日に告知された神奈川県のホームページ「危険ドラッグとは」で紹介されており、youtubeでも公開されている。. 薬物クリーンかながわ推進会議 各種強化月間 薬物乱用防止に関連する各種強化月間には、関係機関や団体が県内各地で街頭キャンペーン等を実施し、啓発グッズ等を配布して薬物乱用防止を呼び掛けています。 不正大麻・けし撲滅運動（5月1日～6月30日）. Cool work kanagawa mission zero健康課.

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3位「30秒クッキング」 加藤凪紗、進藤梨留、西田紗雪、村川茅沙 学生 神奈川県 3位「未成年（喫煙防止）の主張」 櫻井満也 中学教諭 広島県.. 当面の目標期間 令和7年度から令和16年度までの10年間を対象とします。 3.. 神奈川県 防止cm 検索してはいけない言葉 @ ウィキ.. Com › watch神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ防止cm」が怖すぎる件。。 youtube..

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Jp › docs › t7esnsトラブル防止動画 神奈川県ホームページ. かながわオレンジリボンキャンペーン第４弾として、児童虐待防止啓発ｃｍを作成しました。 キャンペーンやｃｍの詳細については、「かながわオレンジリボン, 「こんなに怖いcmはめったにない」と噂されている映像をご存じだろうか。 神奈川県が制作した『危険ドラッグの恐怖』というタイトルがついた30秒cmである。 以下略 詳細のソース jtown. ジャンル, 歌手・女優・タレント・翻訳・エッセイスト.

Manga child abuse by stepmother, Com › watchトラウマレベルcm・危険ドラッグ防止動画神奈川 youtube, ガチで怖い神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ」防止cmがトラウマレベルと話題に ニュース jタウンネット 神奈川県 jtown. 動画狂気に満ちてて話題の『神奈川県の危険ドラッグ防止cm』一方、東京は「進撃の巨人」 政府広報マジ怖い ※東京都と千葉県および政府広報のcmを追加し更新しました。, 。 あまりに気になったので、神奈川県の虐待防止キャンペーンcmのサイトにいってみましたw cmのコンセプトに、腹話術の人形を使った理由は、親から虐待を受けている子供は、その親をかばったりすることがあるそうです。 （涙）.

拉致問題 ― もし、大切な人が突然いなくなったら 月刊kanagawaタイム〜ナビゲーター神奈川県知事 黒岩 祐治〜＃27 「ともに生きやすい社会へ「ともいきマイスター」」.. 神奈川県が制作した『危険ドラッグの恐怖』というタイトルがついた30秒cmである。 2015年8月18日に告知された神奈川県のホームページ「危険ドラッグとは」で紹介されており、youtubeでも公開されている。.. 危険ドラッグ dangerous drug products are sold as incense,aromatic oils,or bath salts.. ざっくり言うと 神奈川県が制作した「危険ドラッグ」防止cmが怖すぎると話題になっている 「合法ハーブ」「お香」などと呼ばれている薬物の危険性を..

サイトマップ サイトポリシー 神奈川県 〒2318588 神奈川県横浜市中区日本大通1 0452101111（代表） 法人番号：007 県庁へのアクセス, ジャンル, 歌手・女優・タレント・翻訳・エッセイスト, Com › article › detailガチで怖い神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ」防止cmがトラウマレベルと話. 카나카와현이 제작한 위험 드러그의 공포라는 광고가 검색된다, 神奈川県 防止cm 検索してはいけない言葉 @ ウィキ.

ざっくり言うと 神奈川県が制作した「危険ドラッグ」防止cmが怖すぎると話題になっている 「合法ハーブ」「お香」などと呼ばれている薬物の危険性を. 子ども虐待とは？ 虐待はなぜ起こるのか？子どもへの影響は 神奈川県子ども支援センターつなっぐ 神奈川子ども支援センターつなっぐ 相談. かながわオレンジリボンキャンペーン第4弾として、児童虐待防止啓発cmを作成しました。 キャンペーンやcmの詳細については、「かながわ, 拉致問題 ― もし、大切な人が突然いなくなったら 月刊kanagawaタイム〜ナビゲーター神奈川県知事 黒岩 祐治〜＃27 「ともに生きやすい社会へ「ともいきマイスター」」, 毒親からの『心理的虐待』に悩み続けてread more, 「危険ドラッグを使うと、あなたの人生が壊れます」－。神奈川県が制作した危険ドラッグ乱用防止啓発アニメーション動画が、「怖すぎる」と.

영상 설명 가나가와현의 危険ドラッグ防止cm위험 마약 방지 광고라는 영상. この動画には、「危険ドラッグ乱用防止啓発映像」というサブタイトルが付いている。 「合法ハーブ」「お香」「アロマ」などと呼ばれている薬物の危険性を訴える内容で、冒頭の動画を見てお分かりのように、とても怖いアニメとなっている。. 厚生労働省 労働基準監督署 ハローワーク 神奈川県.

Com › watch神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ防止cm」が怖すぎる件。。 youtube. 子ども虐待とは？ 虐待はなぜ起こるのか？子どもへの影響は 神奈川県子ども支援センターつなっぐ 神奈川子ども支援センターつなっぐ 相談. Jp › article › 1007001ガチで怖い神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ」防止cmがトラウマレベルと話, Jp › article › 1007001ガチで怖い神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ」防止cmがトラウマレベルと話.

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ロゴマーク「 cool work kanagawa mission zero」. Com › watch神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ防止cm」が怖すぎる件。。 youtube. 카나카와현이 제작한 위험 드러그의 공포라는 광고가 검색된다.

히토니 神奈川県の作成した危険ドラッグの恐ろしさを伝える啓発cmが恐ろしすぎると話題になっています。 詳細は以下から。 話題になっているのは神奈川県が制作し、神奈川県内の駅などで放映されている「危険ドラッグ啓発cm」。. Manga child abuse by stepmother. 神奈川県が制作した『危険ドラッグの恐怖』というタイトルがついた30秒cmである。 2015年8月18日に告知された 神奈川県のホームページ「危険ドラッグとは」 で紹介されており、 youtube でも公開されている。. 「こんなに怖いcmはめったにない」と噂されている映像をご存じだろうか。 神奈川県が制作した『危険ドラッグの恐怖』というタイトルがついた30秒cmである。 以下略 詳細のソース jtown. この動画は、危険ドラッグの危険性や怖さを皆様に分かりやすく知っていただくために作成したものです。 危険ドラッグは、法律で製造・輸入及び販売・. 히토미 돼지

회사 cr 뜻 この動画には、「危険ドラッグ乱用防止啓発映像」というサブタイトルが付いている。 「合法ハーブ」「お香」「アロマ」などと呼ばれている薬物の危険性を訴える内容で、冒頭の動画を見てお分かりのように、とても怖いアニメとなっている。. Manga child abuse by stepmother. Jp › docs › t7esnsトラブル防止動画 神奈川県ホームページ. 神奈川県 防止cm 検索してはいけない言葉 @ ウィキ. 当面の目標期間 令和7年度から令和16年度までの10年間を対象とします。 3. 히토미 무인도

히로료타 영상 サイトマップ サイトポリシー 神奈川県 〒2318588 神奈川県横浜市中区日本大通1 0452101111（代表） 法人番号：007 県庁へのアクセス. 薬物乱用防止キャンペーン（横浜スタジアム） 薬物銃器対策課では、令和7年6月20日、横浜スタジアムにおいて、横浜denaベイスターズ協力の大麻乱用防止啓発チラシを配布して、違法薬物撲滅を呼びかける薬物乱用防止キャンペーンを実施しました。. 薬物クリーンかながわ推進会議 各種強化月間 薬物乱用防止に関連する各種強化月間には、関係機関や団体が県内各地で街頭キャンペーン等を実施し、啓発グッズ等を配布して薬物乱用防止を呼び掛けています。 不正大麻・けし撲滅運動（5月1日～6月30日）. Saya 20150829 1446 14件 6107pv 「こんなに怖いcmはめったにない」と噂されている映像をご存じだろうか。 神奈川県が制作した『危険ドラッグの恐怖』というタイトルがついた30秒cmである。. 支払われる賃金と最低賃金額を比較する際には、次の賃金は賃金の総額に算入しません。 （1）精・皆勤手当、通勤手当、家族手当 （2）臨時に支払われる賃金 （3）1か月を超える期間ごとに支払われる賃金 （4）時間外、休日労働に対する賃金、深夜割増手当 ⇒ 最低賃金を上回っているかどう. 히토미 광대

히라라 Jp › docs › t7esnsトラブル防止動画 神奈川県ホームページ. 動画 厚生省ver 厚生労働省ver 345〜 年代 2000年代前半 内容 厚生労働省旧厚生省の児童虐待防止を訴えるcm。 同様の内容のポスターも作成され、児童相談所などに掲示された。 ス. 拉致問題 ― もし、大切な人が突然いなくなったら 月刊kanagawaタイム〜ナビゲーター神奈川県知事 黒岩 祐治〜＃27 「ともに生きやすい社会へ「ともいきマイスター」」. 「神奈川県迷惑行為防止条例の一部を改正する条例」が令和7年5月1日に施行されました。飲食店等の客引き、誘引、客待ち. 神奈川県 防止cmを解説 検索してはいけない言葉 ホラー.

후장 fc2 危険ドラッグ dangerous drug products are sold as incense,aromatic oils,or bath salts. 。 あまりに気になったので、神奈川県の虐待防止キャンペーンcmのサイトにいってみましたw cmのコンセプトに、腹話術の人形を使った理由は、親から虐待を受けている子供は、その親をかばったりすることがあるそうです。 （涙）. Many dangerous drug products use unkown pharmacological agents. 動画狂気に満ちてて話題の『神奈川県の危険ドラッグ防止cm』一方、東京は「進撃の巨人」 政府広報マジ怖い ※東京都と千葉県および政府広報のcmを追加し更新しました。. Jp › article › 1007001ガチで怖い神奈川県の「危険ドラッグ」防止cmがトラウマレベルと話.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.