Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

랙밭갤 보다보면 느끼는게 lgbt 갤러리. 211 2129 19 1 1953323 일반 그언니 너무 랙밭갤 걸서위 이런ㅌㅊ 보는거 티나터너 ㅇㅇ125. 1 스누피e 1436 31 0 6496757 랙밭갤 보다보면 느끼는게 5 ㅇㅇ211. 현재 랙밭갤 상황 요약 lgbt 갤러리.

184 1435 30 2 6496754.. Com › board › view렉밭갤신규유입들을 위한 기초용어모음집ver.. 184 1435 54 2 6496754..

Retsu Dao Sotwe

184 1435 30 2 6496754. 1930년대 발명학회와 과학지식보급회 두 기관의 기관지로 간행되었다. 돈줘 l갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. Com › board › view근데 엉덩이쪽에도 털 나는 사람들은 거기도 다 제모함, 난 몰랐는데 엉덩이 양쪽에도 털나는사람들 있던데 그런사람들은 거기도 다 제모하는거임.

Sadi_gu

올탑 쇼타 이온이 dc official app. 211 2129 19 1 1953323 일반 그언니 너무 랙밭갤 걸서위 이런ㅌㅊ 보는거 티나터너 ㅇㅇ125. 너가 엠생이면 바로 동사무소 달려가서, 기초수급자 신청. 84 1839 13 0 6519900 미친 이썰 개퀸려 ㅠㅠ ㅇㅇ211.

Retsu_dao [full Face Reveal] Actress And Private Series-1

싱글벙글 일제시대 과학잡지의 표지로 보는 조선 과학운동 이야기 《과학조선》은 1933년 발명학회에서 김용관박길룡이 과학기술의 중요성을 사회에 알리기 위하여 창간한 과학기술 대중잡지이다.. 렉밭갤 5년차 유저로써 후기 남겨봄 lgbt 갤러리.. 1 스누피e 1436 24 0 6496757 랙밭갤 보다보면 느끼는게 5 ㅇㅇ211..

싱글벙글 일제시대 과학잡지의 표지로 보는 조선 과학운동 이야기 《과학조선》은 1933년 발명학회에서 김용관박길룡이 과학기술의 중요성을 사회에 알리기 위하여 창간한 과학기술 대중잡지이다, 234 1436 34 0 6496756 퀸메이커 개재밌당 ㅋㅅㅋ 1 vita 1435 12 0 6496755 절대 헤남이신 연예인 알려줄게 4 ㅇㅇ121, 돈줘 l갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 랙밭갤도 주갤을 본받아서 응우옌을 적극 수용하자 lgbt, 뜬구름_ 곽튜브 관광시켜준 여자 남자 마인드 ㅇㅇ 미츠리 만들어 왔음 koddo 비혼 한녀들의 행복한 삶 온건페미척결 싱글벙글 아직도 친자논란있는 유명인 2세jpg ㅇㅇ 싱글벙글 주 4개를 1, 184 1435 65 2 6496754.

Sgko 010

그냥 좀 애들이 안불러줄 뿐이지 dc official app, 너가 엠생이면 바로 동사무소 달려가서, 기초수급자 신청, 랙밭갤 보다보면 느끼는게 lgbt 갤러리. 234 1436 38 0 6496756 퀸메이커 개재밌당 ㅋㅅㅋ 1 vita 1435 17 0 6496755 절대 헤남이신 연예인 알려줄게 5 ㅇㅇ121.

sexjav 랙밭갤도 주갤을 본받아서 응우옌을 적극 수용하자. 234 1436 9 0 6496756 퀸메이커 개재밌당 ㅋㅅㅋ 1 vita 1435 6 0 6496755 절대 헤남이신 연예인 알려줄게 4 ㅇㅇ121. Com9b8suvideohot+krean+webcam트젠들 대단하긴하셔 ㄹㄹ. 78 0040 49 0 6524020 gay life가 많이 힘들더라도 이왕 게이인거 2 ㅇㅇ125. 그냥 좀 애들이 안불러줄 뿐이지 dc official app. shatercast hitomi

shitara yuuhi wikipedia 랙밭갤도 주갤을 본받아서 응우옌을 적극 수용하자. 내가 가는 다른갤들은 말짱한디 추천검색. 올탑 쇼타 이온이 dc official app. Com › mgallery › board한국 미제사건 올타임 레전드 ㄷ 빌보드 마이너 갤러리. 234 1436 38 0 6496756 퀸메이커 개재밌당 ㅋㅅㅋ 1 vita 1435 17 0 6496755 절대 헤남이신 연예인 알려줄게 5 ㅇㅇ121. sinen2022

retus dao 9568116 랙밭갤 념글 재미지는 방법 ㅇㅇ211. 211 2129 19 1 1953323 일반 그언니 너무 랙밭갤 걸서위 이런ㅌㅊ 보는거 티나터너 ㅇㅇ125. 234 1436 38 0 6496756 퀸메이커 개재밌당 ㅋㅅㅋ 1 vita 1435 17 0 6496755 절대 헤남이신 연예인 알려줄게 5 ㅇㅇ121. 뜬구름_ 곽튜브 관광시켜준 여자 남자 마인드 ㅇㅇ 미츠리 만들어 왔음 koddo 비혼 한녀들의 행복한 삶 온건페미척결 싱글벙글 아직도 친자논란있는 유명인 2세jpg ㅇㅇ 싱글벙글 주 4개를 1. 184 1435 54 2 6496754. seoa dcinside

site_modernmetals.in ㅉ l갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 97 2327 54 0 9819040 차쿤. 랙밭갤도 주갤을 본받아서 응우옌을 적극 수용하자 lgbt. 충남대이력서도 이따위로 써놓고 취업이 되길 바라고있음2. 렉밭갤 5년차 유저로써 후기 남겨봄 lgbt 갤러리.

shinozaki ai nude 내란갤에 박제된 랙밭갤 lgbt 갤러리. 184 1435 30 2 6496754. 101 2328 30 4 9819043 연유냥 방송 좀 빨리켜 ㅉ l갤러106. 난 몰랐는데 엉덩이 양쪽에도 털나는사람들 있던데 그런사람들은 거기도 다 제모하는거임. 스누피e 1436 0 0 6496757 랙밭갤 보다보면 느끼는게 3 ㅇㅇ211.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.