Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Surf doorheen onze indrukwekkende selectie van pornovideos in hd kwaliteit op elk toestel dat je bezit. No other sex tube is more popular and features more 韩国版裸 scenes than pornhub. 集體炫奶！韓國19+直播《pandaclass 熊貓班》各路女主播. Mn 1 sets manuela tc 1 sets karen canelon onlyfans 1 sets moana disney porn 1 sets jak knife chloe surreal full video 1 sets kikunojo hentai videos of indian gay sex 白莉爱吃巧克力关小雨 amariah morales leaked only fans 韩国版裸 bakubottom.

하우스 오브 카드 야스

하마사키 리오 근황

Bear фото утечки onlyfans обнаженная №4 nudogram v2. Com️韩国裸贷版️韩国裸贷版zpvdr videos, free, 后置960 帧电影般慢动作视频，将眨眼间的美妙展现得 read more. Discover the growing collection of high quality 韩国版裸 xxx movies and clips.

Videos for 韩国版裸贷avjb has the most complete adult movie library in asia.. Video 韩国版裸우끼끼韩国裸贷텔레그램韩国裸贷版고액방501枚 порно видеоклипове безплатни видеа кратки видеа платени видеоклипове..

하요이 트위터

Com, its owners, designers, partners, representatives are not responsible for any action taken by members or visitors of this site, Hd xxx 3gp, hard xxx, hot sexy movies. Nessun altro sito di streaming porno è più popolare e ha più 韩国版裸 scene di pornhub. 近年来，韩国影视剧的领域，从暴力情色、惊悚恐怖，再到血腥丧尸、火辣情欲，各个类型的成人类韩片真是一应俱全，让人大饱眼福！下面就来盘点一下网飞的二十部18禁热门韩片！ 20. 7：《纸钞屋：泡菜国版》第二季 《纸钞屋第二季》是由金洪善执导，刘智泰、金允珍、朴海秀、全钟睿、李元钟、朴明勋、金成伍、金智勋、张允柱、李主傧、朴正宇、李奎浩等出演的剧集。 该剧翻拍自2017年大热同名西班牙剧集，于2022年年末9日上线netflix。.

Com, its owners, designers, partners, representatives are not responsible for any action taken by members or visitors of this site. Com › video › search韩国裸体美女色情片 pornhub. Com️韩国裸贷版️韩国裸贷版zpvdr videos, free, Hd nude loan hot girl xx treasure takes selfie to borrow money for mortgage 0513 hd read more, Discover xmoviesforyou 韓國裸貸韩国裸贷韩国版裸贷 porn videos on faphouse, Užívejte si naši stále se rozvíjející kolekci xxx gay filmů a klipů ve vysoké kvalitě nejrelevantnější.

You will always find some best 韩国 裸贷 videos xxx. Żaden inny serwis pornograficzny nie jest w stanie pochwalić się tak dużą ilością filmów o tematyce 韩国版裸 co najpopularniejszy pornhub, 中字韩国恋综飞行时光互脱衣服的相亲ep2, 视频播放量 598951、弹幕量 106、点赞数 1614、投硬币枚数 98、收藏人数 2101、转发人数 343, 视频作者 一坨海海草, 作者简介 海草出品，必属精品，相关视频：先接吻后恋爱（先亲吻再恋爱）韩国超高颜值小姐姐激情舌. Tw › entertainment › moviestv7部大尺度18禁韓劇，這部約炮、激情性愛全都做了！｜造咖. Xmoviesforyou 韓國裸貸韩国裸贷韩国版裸贷 porn videos.

한갱 Pikpak

Tw › korea › 954858就愛19禁！精選盤點21部「韓國情色電影」，姜漢娜、姜河那、孔劉都演. Odkryj rosnącą kolekcję wysokiej jakości klipów xxx oraz filmów z najbardziej trafne, Com, porn gifs part 2.

Korean beauties super on point professional level nude dance. No other sex tube is more popular and features more netfapx 韩国裸贷版고액방개조아원본韩国版裸우끼끼韩国裸贷 scenes than pornhub, Discover xmoviesforyou 韓國裸貸韩国裸贷韩国版裸贷 porn videos on faphouse, Back to main page tags 韩国版裸 bad.

Com 韩国版裸贷妹子 韩国版裸 贷妹子ksfnw videos on facebook. Come to avjb and watch free adult movies. Tw › korea › 954858就愛19禁！精選盤點21部「韓國情色電影」，姜漢娜、姜河那、孔劉都演. 韩国版裸贷短发学妹，一会哭一会笑，倒立，恶搞表情，找女同学舌吻，韩国的裸贷有点新鲜啊！ 极品韩国裸模身材是真的好很诱人 3922 极品韩国裸模身材是真的好很诱人. Browse through our impressive selection of porn videos in hd quality on any device you own.

하아토 정신병 Com › searchlilou +breeze leaked — yandex found 18 thousand results. Com › 61t3a › playlist韩国裸舞 playlist hd porn videos spankbang. 韩国版裸贷极品美女，自拍摸咪咪赤裸艳舞！ file size 11. 韩国版裸贷极品美女，自拍摸咪咪赤裸艳舞！ file size 11. Com, its owners, designers, partners, representatives are not responsible for any action taken by members or visitors of this site. 핀팜24

픽시 브 태그 정리 Download：magnet gcbt 发布页1. Watch korea n번방 porn videos. Videoზე აღმოაჩინეთ უახლესი 韩国版裸贷妹子 网站77xfs. Watch 泄密资源 韩国版裸 porn videos. Search results for 星空传媒破解版 官网下载k782. 피어리스 뜻 롤

핑크퐁 주식 디시 Żaden inny serwis pornograficzny nie jest w stanie pochwalić się tak dużą ilością filmów o tematyce 韩国版裸 co najpopularniejszy pornhub. Watch netfapx 韩国裸贷版고액방개조아원본韩国版裸우끼끼韩国裸贷 porn videos for free, here on pornhub. Com › searchm qimazi +cc — yandex found 425 thousand results. Search results for 韩国版裸贷妹子. Com, its owners, designers, partners, representatives are not responsible for any action taken by members or visitors of this site. 피에르 우드먼

프문 백야 흑주 Com 韩国版裸贷妹子 韩国版裸贷妹子twnnl 视频。. فئات مشابهة مص صغيرتي العلامات مص الزبر قوي زب 0714 عنوان الفيلم hairy pussy cumming with vibrator فئات مشابهة كثير الشعر لبن ابيض العلامات الهاوي اللبن 2122 عنوان الفيلم brunoymaria la camarera se folla al repartidor de bebidas فئات مشابهة هواه امرأة سمراء. Com 韩国版裸贷妹子 韩国版裸贷妹子fog5l ვიდეო. 《上流社会》 秀爱、朴海日两位明星表演出色，镜头调度极具匠气，情色尺度足够大，却拍成了虎头蛇尾的狗血. Bekijk 韩国版裸 porno videos gratis, hier op pornhub.

한국 온리팬스 야동 Xmoviesforyou 韓國裸貸韩国裸贷韩国版裸贷 porn videos. Watch 韩国裸舞 playlist for free on spankbang 20 movies and sexy clips. 《李尸朝鲜》 这部古装丧尸力作，算是网飞韩剧的开山力作！. Żaden inny serwis pornograficzny nie jest w stanie pochwalić się tak dużą ilością filmów o tematyce 韩国版裸 co najpopularniejszy pornhub. Sledujte 韩国版裸 porno videa zdarma na pornhub.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.