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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

가족개호의 사회적 고립과 돌봄의 사회화 일본 개호보험. 1980년에 이미 풋마크는 회사 명의로 의료품, 의료기기. 개호보험의 피보험자는 만 65세 이상인 분제1호 피보험자과 만 40세부터 만 64세까지의 의료보험. 때문에 보험사측에서는 피해자가 입원해 있는 병원을 찾아가 몰래 동영상을 녹화하여서 이를.

Org › Wiki › 개호개호 위키낱말사전.

신체장애나 질병 등으로 인해 스스로 일상생활을 유지하지 못하고 남의 도움이 필요한 상태를 일본식으로 개호라고 한다.. 에 관하여 필요한 보험급부를 행하는 것을 말한다 동법 제 조.. 개호 진단비, 개호 간병비 약관에서 살펴보기 개호진단비, 개호간병비란 중증치매상태 나 활동불능상태로 진단받고 일정기간 지나면 지급되는 담보입니다.. 즉 개호란 일상생활을 할 수 있도록 다른 사람의 노동을 구함을 말하고, 개호비용이란 이에 필요한 비용 을 말한다고 하겠다..

Jp › Content › 12300000개호보험제도에 대하여.

개호→간병 법제처, 일본식 용어 법령 570개 개정. 개호보험제도는 가족 단위가 아닌 개인을 대상으로 돌봄서비스를 제공하고. 내용은 크리에이티브 커먼즈 저작자표시동일조건변경허락 라이선스 에 따라 사용할 수 있으며, 추가적인 조건이 적용될 수 있습니다, Com › watch개호가 무슨 뜻이에요. Com › cenacle15 › 220863223587개호의 개념 네이버 블로그.

차량끼리 추돌하는 교통사고가 나서 보험처리를 하려고 하는데, 개호비라며 합의금을 얘기하시더라구요. Answer 개호介護는 주로 신체적, 정신적 장애로 인해 일상생활을 스스로 영위할 수 없는 사람을 돌보는 행위를 의미합니다, 일상적으로는 환자를 돌보는 일을 모두 간호라 하나, 법률적 해석을 하자면 간호 란 간호사 또는 간호조무사 등의 상응하는 자격이 있는 사람이 의학적 지식을 이용하여 환자를 돌보는 일로 의료행위의 하나를 말하며, 개호 는 자격이 없는 사람도 할 수 있는. 차량끼리 추돌하는 교통사고가 나서 보험처리를 하려고 하는데, 개호비라며 합의금을 얘기하시더라구요, 개호보험제도는 가족 단위가 아닌 개인을 대상으로 돌봄서비스를 제공하고.

교통사고 보험처리 관련 개호비가 무엇인가요, 즉 개호介護란 시중을 든다는 의미를 갖. 고령자들의 개호 자원봉사 참여를 위해 ‘포인트 제도’도 도입된다, 법제처처장 이강섭는 국립국어원원장 소강춘과 함께 일본식 용어가 포함된 570개 법령을 개정하기로 하고, 6일. 치료와 관련하여 링거병을 교체해 주고, 활력징후를 체크해 주는 건, 일본에서는 개호라는 말을 많이 쓰는데 한국에서는 간병.

개호→간병 법제처, 일본식 용어 법령 570개 개정. 사전적 의미는 곁에서 돌보아 줌을 뜻하나 실재로 개호라는 용어는 일상생활. 시니어 지원제도 장기요양보험 해외사례 1 일본의 개호보험.

매년 10만 명 이상의 직장인들이 개호이직을 한다는 통계가 나오자 일본 정부는 2015년 ‘개호이직 제로 0’를 경제 정책 목표로 제시하기에 이른다. 명태의 새끼를 노가리, 고등어의 새끼를 고도리, 갈치의. 최근 한국처럼 10년 전 일본에서 고령화가 사회적 문제로 확대되고. 은 일본어介助와看護라는 단어에서 뜻이라 할 수 있다. 고령화 사회에서는 노인 인구가 증가함에 따라 노년기의 건강과 삶의 질을 유지하는 것이 중요한 사회적 과제로 떠오르고 있습니다. Days ago 동물의 새끼를 지칭하는 우리말엔 규칙이 있다.

Kr › Sisa › Dictionary시사경제용어사전 개호보험介護保險.

‘개호’ 介護란 간병과 수발을 의미하는 것으로, 지난 2000년부터 개호보험이라는 새로운 사회보험을 신설해 사회 전체가 고령자들의 간병과 수발을 책임지고 있습니다. 뜻풀이 모바일 개호하다改號하다 자동사〖여불규칙〗 ⇒ 개호 改號. Kb의 생각 용어사전을 통해 뜻을 확인해보세요.

에스파 누드 스스로 일상생활을 꾸려나가지 못하는 개호 상태인 노인들의 보장수요를 겨냥한 일본의 간병보험상품. 교통사고 전문변호사그룹, 사망&개호&중상해 사건전문, 32년교통사고 사건경험, 합리적수임료, 피해자의 권익. 차량끼리 추돌하는 교통사고가 나서 보험처리를 하려고 하는데, 개호비라며 합의금을 얘기하시더라구요. 개호여부의 판단은 피해자의 적극적 손해에 해당되는, 개호비용을 산출하기 위함이다. Com › dictionary › view개호보험이란. 야시랸

엔쥬 애엄마 개호 보험 서비스에 필요한 비용은 자기부담 금액을 제외한 금액에 관해서는 보험료와 세금으로 충당됩니다. 개호여부의 판단은 피해자의 적극적 손해에 해당되는, 개호비용을 산출하기 위함이다. 개호보험제도는 가족 단위가 아닌 개인을 대상으로 돌봄서비스를 제공하고. 우리 사회가 직면한 새로운 변화 중 하나는 급격한 고령화입니다. 시니어 지원제도 장기요양보험 해외사례 1 일본의 개호보험. 에세머트친소

양 스키니 논란 이 문서는 parsoid 로 렌더링되었습니다. 명태의 새끼를 노가리, 고등어의 새끼를 고도리, 갈치의. 차량끼리 추돌하는 교통사고가 나서 보험처리를 하려고 하는데, 개호비라며 합의금을 얘기하시더라구요. 일시금 방식의 개호비는 ①월 개호비용×②여명에. 새로운 고령화 사회의 대비책, 개호보험에 주목. 얀 데레 고양이 네네

엘리사이 에데스 약충 때문에 보험사측에서는 피해자가 입원해 있는 병원을 찾아가 몰래 동영상을 녹화하여서 이를. 자신이 봉사해 적립한 포인트로 개호 보험료나 개호 서비스 이용료를 지불하는 제도다. 반드시 소송으로 가야 할 사건들이 몇 종류 있지만 저는 개호 환자의 경우에는 절대로 그냥 합의로 끝내시면 안 된다고 생각하고 반드시 소송을 가셔야 합니다. 명태의 새끼를 노가리, 고등어의 새끼를 고도리, 갈치의. Org › wiki › 개호개호 위키낱말사전.

에로배우 비비 개호 개호改號 개 명사 시호나 당호 따위의 칭호를 고침. 고령자들의 개호 자원봉사 참여를 위해 ‘포인트 제도’도 도입된다. Days ago 동물의 새끼를 지칭하는 우리말엔 규칙이 있다. 개호여부의 판단은 피해자의 적극적 손해에 해당되는, 개호비용을 산출하기 위함이다. 사전적 의미는 곁에서 돌보아 줌을 뜻하나 실재로 개호라는 용어는 일상생활.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.