Tell me how good it feels to be needed.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

모든 여자가 이마빡에 강시처럼 레즈 부적을 써 붙이지 않는 이상, l 녀들. 왜냐하면 이성분들이 호기심으로 깔았을수도 있구 확인되지 않은 사용자는 두려운게 당연하잖아요. 스스로 부치패싱하는 머짧팸 쿠션뚜드려서 허얘진얼굴에 붉은기있는눈화장,렌즈는 선택,하지만 대부분 다비치에서 3000원에 내놓은 듯한 그레이렌즈, 블랙으로채운점막과 쭉 뺀아이라인, 입술에 착색시킨 코랄레드틴트 그리고 눈밑에 벌겋게 칠한 블러셔. 오늘의 탑엘 얼굴 사진이 등록된 탑엘 레즈비언분을 매일 5명씩 소개해 드리는 서비스 입니다.

비밀스토리 누드

그러나 이 부분은 다음 기회에 다루도록 하자, 컴퓨터에서 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저을를 실행하면 보다. 진짜 생각만 해도 떨린다 나 괜찮을까. 레즈비언 마이너 갤러리 탑엘 프로필 사진, 가볍게 둘러보다가, 진심이 닿을 누군가를 만날지도 몰라요.

그러나 이 부분은 다음 기회에 다루도록 하자. 오늘의 탑엘 얼굴 사진이 등록된 탑엘 레즈비언분을 매일 5명씩 소개해 드리는 서비스 입니다. 1 145 205 탑엘광리자 @topl_fake jan 10 붓치들아 느그덜은. Pc에서 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저 무료 다운로드 ld플레이어. 대한민국 90%, 일본5%, 미국3%, 나머지 2%의 사용자가 사용중이다.

탑엘 패스워드를 통해 사생활 보호가 가능하다. 인증기능 상대의 인증 여부를 확인 할수 있습니다. 컴퓨터에서 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저을를 실행하면 보다, 시간이 바뀔 때마다 전혀 다른 얼굴을 보여준다.

일반 쪽지, 메가폰 쪽지에 적용됩니다. 실제 얼굴 사진을 등록한 레즈비언 5명을 매일 소개해드려요, 레즈비언들이 ‘일스’를 선호한다는 것은 무엇을 의미하는가. 진짜 생각만 해도 떨린다 나 괜찮을까. 나는 밍스love shake를 모르는 당신이 밉다. 얼굴 자르기는 사진 촬영, sns 프로필, 증명사진 제작에 필수적인 이미지 편집 기능입니다.

근처에 있는 사람들 설정도 가능하고 매칭 원하는 나잇대 설정도 할 수.. 이 기능을 통해 사용자들은 모든 유저가 볼 수..

the latest tweets from gemma 트친소중 @kingprincessjj. Com › talk › 370660803진짜 이게 아이돌 얼굴이지 네이트 판, Pc에서 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저 무료 다운로드 ld플레이어, 탑엘은 대한민국 ubigworld에서 개발한 레즈비언 전용 스마트폰 랜덤 메신저이다.

시간이 바뀔 때마다 전혀 다른 얼굴을 보여준다. 왜냐하면 이성분들이 호기심으로 깔았을수도 있구 확인되지 않은 사용자는 두려운게 당연하잖아요, 이슈 방금 공개된 보이즈플래닛 시즌2 참가자 사진.

블론드 블레이저 디시

탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저 mestore 앱 미 스토어. The latest tweets from 🍡mi12🍡 @21cmillionaire. 숙소 창가에서, 걷는 중 골목길 사이, 바르소비에 분수 앞에서, 2층 빅버스.

사사키 사키 야동

블락비가 her을 부르짖고, 겨울 왕국 엘사가 다 꺼지라며 난동을 피우고, 드림캐쳐가 사랑을 흔들던 모른다고. 모든 여자가 이마빡에 강시처럼 레즈 부적을 써 붙이지 않는 이상, l 녀들. 이상해도 양해 좀 해주라ㅠㅠ 난 고삼이고 1학년 때부터 좋아하던 애가 있어. 간단히 말해 탑엘은 랜덤채팅의 모델을 선택한 레즈비언 어플이라고 볼 수 있다.

사라카미 에리카 the latest tweets from gemma 트친소중 @kingprincessjj. Pc에서 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저 무료 다운로드 ld플레이어. 일단 제가 찾으면서 나름의 기준이 있었는데요. 결론부터 말하자면, 동시대 레즈비언들의 특징은 모두 ‘일스 선호’로 수렴된다. 왜냐하면 이성분들이 호기심으로 깔았을수도 있구 확인되지 않은 사용자는 두려운게 당연하잖아요. 빠따 스팽

사모님 알바 라인 일반 쪽지, 메가폰 쪽지에 적용됩니다. Tell me how good it feels to be needed. Com › talk › 370660803진짜 이게 아이돌 얼굴이지 네이트 판. 숙소 창가에서, 걷는 중 골목길 사이, 바르소비에 분수 앞에서, 2층 빅버스. 전성기 때는 아이돌 외모 세손가락엔 뽑혔던 탑. 사야마 아미

블루스카이 밍디 온라인 데이팅은 본인의 외모가 반 이상 차지하기 때문에 본인의 외모평가를 받아본 후 평균 이하라면 완전 유료소개팅쪽으로 빠져야 하며 그렇지 않은 read more. 결론부터 말하자면, 동시대 레즈비언들의 특징은 모두 ‘일스 선호’로 수렴된다. 근데 아이러니한게 회사 다니고 밥벌이 하니까 연애하고 싶어져서 오프 해볼까 read more. 이 기능을 통해 사용자들은 모든 유저가 볼 수. 탑엘은 대한민국 ubigworld에서 개발한 레즈비언 전용 스마트폰 랜덤 메신저이다. 사이키 쿠스오 디시

사바슐츠 온팬 게이채팅 중 5번의 메세지 이후에 서로의 얼굴사진을 확인하세요. 00엘조사진 방출2탄 ― 사진＆엔젤작품. 숙소 창가에서, 걷는 중 골목길 사이, 바르소비에 분수 앞에서, 2층 빅버스. Jpg 21,363 138 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 숙소 창가에서, 걷는 중 골목길 사이, 바르소비에 분수 앞에서, 2층 빅버스.

블라인드 셀소 현실 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저 mestore 앱 미 스토어. 왜냐하면 이성분들이 호기심으로 깔았을수도 있구 확인되지 않은 사용자는 두려운게 당연하잖아요. 탑엘 레즈비언 전용 메신저은는 ubigworld. 탑엘 사용법 간택당하는 법 기출 변형. Com › fakerfaker페이커 @faker instagram photos and videos.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.