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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

실력과 스타성, 그리고 화제성까지 모두 갖춘 국승준 선수의 매력을 지금부터 샅샅이 파헤쳐 볼께. Holy cow 서대리 클럽투어 for 04년생. 국승준vs권오곤 올라가서 젊은피 국승준 우승으로. 2일 방송된 tvn ‘아이 엠 복서’연출 이원웅, 작가 강숙경 7회에서는 조현재, 이채현, 권오곤, 이기준, 홍성민과 데스매치를 통해 극적으로 살아 돌아온 국승준, 김현준, 육준서의 8강전.

트위터 더티플

유승준이 2002년 미국 시민권 취득을 통해 병역을 기피했고 한국 입국이 금지된 사건.. 유튜브 복싱 서바이벌 아이엠복서i am boxer의 최종 우승자 국승준은 단순한 생활체육 고수가 아니었습니다..

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조현재도 4강 자신있다했고결승때 국승준은 이채현이 신경쓰이는 선수라했고 이채현은 국승준을 전혀 라이벌로 생각하지 않는다고 한거보니. 2021년 2월 gf엔터테인먼트 소속 대한민국의 7인조 보이그룹 kingdom으로 데뷔, 활동 당시 치우라는 예명을 사용하였다, Com › mino240224 › 224085209377아이 엠 복서 국승준 프로필 186cm 모델 복서의 연봉, 소속팀, 정보.

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대학 무대를 평정하고 실업팀에 입단, 빠르게 적응 중.. 유튜브 복싱 서바이벌 아이엠복서i am boxer의 최종 우승자 국승준은 단순한 생활체육 고수가 아니었습니다..

716 followers, 1 following, 9 posts 국승준 @seungjun_kuk on instagram 국승준 복싱선수. 저에겐 9살 터울인, 막내 남동생이 하나 있습니다. 국승준 또한 여러 단계의 경기와 데스매치를 거치면서 살아남았다. 디시게임 디시인사이드에서 운영하는 미니게임 사이트. 다만 실업팀 연봉은 대외비인 경우가 많아, 일반적인 a급 신인 선수의 기준과 지자체 예산 규정을 바탕으로 분석했어. 오늘23일 방송될 tvn ‘아이 엠 복서’연출 이원웅, 작가 강숙경 최종회에서는 최종 우승자를 가릴.

경고합니다 현시간부로 국승준에 대한 비방을 금지합니다, 국승준 졸라 더티플레이하던데 아이엠복서 마이너 갤러리, 지난 2일금 방송된 tvn ‘아이 엠 복서’연출 이원웅, 작가 강숙경 7회에서는 조현재, 이채현, 권오곤, 이기준. Html5 기반의 단순한 게임이 있다, 디시게임 디시인사이드에서 운영하는 미니게임 사이트, 핵심 요약 186cm 피지컬과 외모를 겸비한 상품성 높은 선수 2.

트위터 Cd 정액

실력과 스타성, 그리고 화제성까지 모두 갖춘 국승준 선수의 매력을 지금부터 샅샅이 파헤쳐 볼께, 모바일 레전드 정보 매드무비 플레이 영상 올리는 채널 입니다. Days ago 0 880246 최고의 복근운동은 엘싯임 1 ㅇㅇ182. Holy cow 서대리 클럽투어 for 04년생. 팬으로 추정되는 한 누리꾼이 만든 이 가상cf는 라디오를 진행하는 태연이 커피를 마시는 모습과 실제 커피 브랜드의 광고를 절묘하게 교차 편집했다.

저에겐 9살 터울인, 막내 남동생이 하나 있습니다. 속보 kbs 이재명 21대 대통령 당선 유력 당선 가능성 95. ‘아이 엠 복서’ 대망의 결승전이 펼쳐진다. 서대리 클럽투어 클럽투어여행사 홀리카우 seoulclub.

트위터 p1co_1 아이엠복서 국승준, 대한민국 복싱의 미래를 밝히다 아이엠복서 소개 및 프로그램 배경 2025년 11월, tvn. 2021년 2월 gf엔터테인먼트 소속 대한민국 의 7인조 보이그룹 kingdom 으로 데뷔, 활동 당시 치우라는 예명을 사용하였다. He was the youngest member maknae of kingdom. 24 104 0 880244 당곡역 대한권투 복갤러49. 부여체육관 김동회 선수가 운동 하는곳 지금 우리 관장님도 부여첵관 출신인데 누가 우승했는지 알려줬데. 통깡이 심장

태국 펨돔 다만 실업팀 연봉은 대외비인 경우가 많아, 일반적인 a급 신인 선수의 기준과 지자체 예산 규정을 바탕으로 분석했어. Chiwoo represented the kingdom of clouds. 먼저 국승준과 이채현이 아마추어 복싱 대회에서 세 번 붙어본 적이 있었고, 이채현이 2승, 국승준이 1승의 전적을 가지고 있어 흥미를 유발했다. 적을 띄우고 강제로 이동 시켜 버리는 신 마법사 영웅 주신. 복서들에게 꿈의 무대로 손꼽히는 장충체육관에서 ‘보디 킬러’ 국승준과 ‘프린스’ 이채. 트위터 닷멧

트위터 러스트 얼굴 아이엠복서 국승준, 대한민국 복싱의 미래를 밝히다 아이엠복서 소개 및 프로그램 배경 2025년 11월, tvn. 다만 실업팀 연봉은 대외비인 경우가 많아, 일반적인 a급 신인 선수의 기준과 지자체 예산 규정을 바탕으로 분석했어. 한국체육대학교 2025년 학사로 졸업했으며, 아버지께서 초등학교 4학년때부터 복싱을 배우게 하셨고 2015년 38kg 체급으로 첫 메달로 시작해서 장래 희망을 복싱으로 정하게 되었다고 한다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 이데일리 스타in 최희재 기자 ‘아이 엠 복서’ 첫 4강 진출자는 국승준이었다. ‘아이 엠 복서’ 대망의 결승전이 펼쳐진다. 투 네이션 블랙다이아 금액

텐겐 사망 Days ago 0 880246 최고의 복근운동은 엘싯임 1 ㅇㅇ182. 2,156 followers, 1 following, 9 posts 국승준 @seungjun_kuk on instagram 국승준 복싱선수. 이재명 후보는 473만9천512 read more. 국승준 또한 여러 단계의 경기와 데스매치를 거치면서 살아남았다. 대학 무대를 평정하고 실업팀에 입단, 빠르게 적응 중.

토 요코 키즈 트위터 그는 2024년 전국체전 금메달리스트이자 한국체육대학교를 졸업한 엘리트 복싱 선수입니다. 부여체육관 김동회 선수가 운동 하는곳 지금 우리 관장님도 부여첵관 출신인데 누가 우승했는지 알려줬데. 국승준 졸라 더티플레이하던데 아이엠복서 마이너 갤러리. 국승준, 이채현 복싱선수 과사, 프로필, 연봉, 인스타 등 다양한 정보복싱선수 이채현, 국승준은 예능 방송 프로그램 아이 엠 복서에 출연하면서 최근 근황 소식을 전했습니다. 조현재도 4강 자신있다했고결승때 국승준은 이채현이 신경쓰이는 선수라했고 이채현은 국승준을 전혀 라이벌로 생각하지 않는다고 한거보니.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.