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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2012 treej & staff twitter. 도대체 차중사는 왜 자연산 민물장어낚시에 푹 빠졌을까. 미친장어떼 진짜 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ아 웃겨요ㅠ 03 jun 2023 051342. 예장당 미연 @violette1104 posts 유일무이한 아티스트 xia내 아티스트 외에 노관심가가오오 언감언순 어화둥둥그룹 안사요나는 7ㅏ루다의료인fan.

예장당 미연 @violette1104 Posts 유일무이한 아티스트 Xia내 아티스트 외에 노관심가가오오 언감언순 어화둥둥그룹 안사요나는 7ㅏ루다의료인fan.

스테미너에 좋은 장어, 너무 좋아하는데 비싸서 그만, 주식처럼 먹지.. 와와부자 상품 후기 청소년 건강즙 만족.. 26일 오후 6시 20분 집사부일체에서 자유로운 영혼을 자랑하는 새로운 사부가 공개된다.. Com › gksruf0805 › statustwitter..

Sbs 집사부일체에서 자연산 미친 장어라 불리는 역대급 괴짜 사부의 정체가 공개된다, 뿌리까지 알차게 살아있는데 대파까지는 아닌것 같은데 새콤하니 입맛을 돌게했고, 감자샐러드는 달달하니 맛있더라구요, Violette1104 예장당 🎵👂미연, 안녕하세요오오 장어사냥꾼 차중사 입니다, 방문헌 장어집인데 너무 만족하고 맛있게 잘 먹었습니다.

장어가 마려울땐 멀리가지 말고 가까운 포천 송우리 미친장어, `집사부일체` 자연산 미친 장어, 가수 강산에장기하 `이상윤, 장어구이는 기본 양념없이 구어나오는거라 양념소스와 간장.

사부의 별명은 자연산 미친 장어였고, 집사부 멤버들은 자연산 장어 움직임이 장난이 아닌데, 거기에 미친이 붙었다면 보통 사람이 아니다라고 반응.

👍🏻👍🏻 미친장어 청주장어 청주장어맛집 청주장어집 장어탕 장어탕맛집 장어덮밥 장어효능 청주봉명동장어 봉명동맛집 봉명동장어 서이추 소통 서이추환영. 메뉴 누룽지탕 6,000 원 된장찌게 3,000 원 민물장어탕 9,000 원 생포장 65,000 원 얼큰순두부탕 8,000 원 잔치국수 5,000 원 풍천민물장어 추가마리당 37,000 원 풍천민물장어숯불구이 특대 73,000 원, 2012 treej & staff twitter, 장어구이는 기본 양념없이 구어나오는거라 양념소스와 간장.

Kr › news › articleview집사부일체별명이 ‘자연산 미친 장어’ 역대급 괴짜 사부가 온다. Kr › news › articleview집사부일체별명이 ‘자연산 미친 장어’ 역대급 괴짜 사부가 온다. 집사부일체 별명이 자연산 미친 장어역대급 괴짜 사부가 온다 스포츠조선닷컴 정안지 기자 sbs 집사부일체에서 자연산 미친 장어라 불리는 역대급 괴짜 사부의 정체가 공개된다, 멤버들이 도착할 때 강산에는 이웃의 머리를 자르는 중이었다. 도대체 차중사는 왜 자연산 민물장어낚시에 푹 빠졌을까.

Com › News › Articleview집사부일체 역대급 괴짜 사부, 별명이 자연산 미친 장어&mldr.

2026년 밀라노코르티나 동계올림픽에서 선보일 프리스케이팅 read more. 동향신생아의 생명을 구하는 형광 뱀장어, 물론 저는 팔려고 낚시하는 것은 절대 아닙니다.

이번주 사부인 자연산 미친장어의 정체는 강산에였다. Sbs 집사부일체에서 자연산 미친 장어라 불리는 역대급 괴짜 사부의 정체가 공개된다, Kr › news › endpage집사부일체 괴짜 사부 정체는 강산에열혈팬 양세형 감격.

타조수인 만화 26일 방송된 sbs 예능 프로그램 집사부일체에서는. ‘자연산 미친장어’ 별명을 가진 사부가 등장한다. @rok_army_21 12개라도 직접입으신 착용샷 부탁드려도. The latest posts from @imjjaee. 자몽이라면 6월에 한 번은 들어줘야죠 자우림 6집 ashes to ashes 수록곡 입니다 앨범은 10월에 발매되었고 가사에 6월은커녕 여름을 read more. 키오프갤

콴시짤 서울내외뉴스통신 전현철 기자26일일 오후 6시 20분 ‘집사부일체’에서 자유로운 영혼을 자랑하는 새로운 사부가 공개된다. 장어가 마려울땐 멀리가지 말고 가까운 포천 송우리 미친장어. 서울내외뉴스통신 전현철 기자26일일 오후 6시 20분 ‘집사부일체’에서 자유로운 영혼을 자랑하는 새로운 사부가 공개된다. 사부의 별명은 자연산 미친 장어였고, 집사부 멤버들은 자연산 장어 움직임이 장난이 아닌데, 거기에 미친이 붙었다면 보통 사람이 아니다라고 반응. 뿌리까지 알차게 살아있는데 대파까지는 아닌것 같은데 새콤하니 입맛을 돌게했고, 감자샐러드는 달달하니 맛있더라구요. 타잔 사주

키시 베 프롤로그 블로그 ෆ yaho ෆ ෆ food 697개의 글 목록열기. 새로운 사부로 강산에가 등장하자 멤버들은 일동 폴더 인사를 한다. @rok_army_21 12개라도 직접입으신 착용샷 부탁드려도되려나ㅎ. Violette1104 예장당 🎵👂미연. 👍🏻👍🏻 미친장어 청주장어 청주장어맛집 청주장어집 장어탕 장어탕맛집 장어덮밥 장어효능 청주봉명동장어 봉명동맛집 봉명동장어 서이추 소통 서이추환영. 키이세 나이 디시

코네 사용방법 이승기와 집사부일체 멤버들은 출연하게 될 재야의 괴짜 사부 별명이 자연산 미친 장어라는 이야기에 당황하는 모습을 보인다. 깡통시장맛집 자갈치시장맛집 초가네장어구이 남포점 네이버 블로그 맛집 407개의 글 목록열기. 멤버들이 도착할 때 강산에는 이웃의 머리를 자르는 중이었다. 서울내외뉴스통신 전현철 기자26일일 오후 6시 20분 ‘집사부일체’에서 자유로운 영혼을 자랑하는 새로운 사부가 공개된다. Netblnovelwebtoon 2025.

키스인포 사이트 금일은 정말 많은 문의를 받았던, 자연산 민물장어의 가격에 대해, 포스팅을 시작하려고 합니다. 순간 보고 존나 미친ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 예고편 홀린 듯이 끝까지 다 봤네ㅋㅋ. 이승기와 집사부일체 멤버들은 출연하게 될 재야의 괴짜 사부 별명이 자연산 미친 장어라는 이야기에 당황하는 모습을 보인다. 멤버들이 도착할 때 강산에는 이웃의 머리를 자르는 중이었다. 자연산 미친장어 @gksruf0805 posts x.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.