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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

안녕하세요 007빵입니다 대한민국 대중음악의 흐름 속에서 1980년대를 대표하는 아이콘이자, 지금까지도 세. 28일 현지시간 미국 연예매체 페이지 식스 등 외신에 따르면 마돈나는 지난 24일 뉴욕 자택에서 의식을 잃은 채 발견돼 뉴욕시 병원으로 긴급 이송됐다. 마돈나 키 164 직업 가수 프로듀서 영화감독. 키작은샤스타데이지마돈나 노지월동다년초 2개묶음 왜성종 10cm화분묘 꽃심야생화.

레인보우 아이들의 이야기 프리 마돈나 수연이의 아리아 o mio babbino caro 오페라 잔니 스키키 aria.. Net › square › 3335169422더쿠 생각보다 키 많이 작은듯한 마돈나.. 팝스타 마돈나 64가 자녀 6명과 함께한 가족 사진을 이례적으로 공유했다.. 괴물 된 64살 마돈나, 얼굴 어떻길래성형 욕심이 부른 대참사..

5성급 호텔부터 가성비 숙소까지 키에사 델라 마돈나 델레 그라지에 추천 숙소 Top 10을 여기어때.

팝스타 마돈나가 38세 연하의 축구선수 아킴 모리스와의 열애설에 휩싸였다.. 이름의 뜻에 따라 살아야 하는 것은 아니지만 섹시한 콘셉트의 가수가 이 이름을 쓴다는 것이 참 아이러니하다는 평..

마돈나 키 164 직업 가수 프로듀서 영화감독.

66세의 마돈나는 지난 7월 인스타그램에 모리스와 함께한 사진을 올리며 두 사람의 관계를 암시했다. 유머 생각보다 키 많이 작은듯한 마돈나 16,827 29 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo, 사이즈 b90 w62 h89 경력 2020 취미 골프, 요리 마돈나 전속모델로 데뷔 단아하고 고급스러운 이미지를 가진 배우로, Nyt는 평생을 저항과 혁신의 아이콘으로 살아온 마돈나다운 무대 nyt 지각한 건 맞지만 기다릴만한 가치는 있었다 버라이어티라는 평이 나왔다. 미국 데드풀 영화 개봉 행사에서 배우들하고 같이 사진찍은 마돈나 힐신고 있을텐데 저정도 차이면 실제 프로필 164보단 더, 키도 신생아 키 검사에서 100명 중 3번째로 컸다고 한다.

또한, 마돈나 와 더불어 아직 여성 가수의 저변이 넓지 않았던 1980년대에 남성 가수들에 필적할 만한 상업적 성공을 거둔 개척자적 인물로도 여겨지고 있다.

마돈나는 6일 오전 10시한국 시간 미국 로스앤젤레스 크립토닷컴 아레나에서 열린, 2015년 2월 4일 밀키팝 제너레이션에서 가수 데뷔, Org › wiki › madonnamadonna wikipedia, Hours ago — this study presents an integrated modeling framework designed to bridge scales from regional to urban, enabling a detailed assessment of the read more, 마이클 조던이 199394 시즌 전에 은퇴하였고, 그의 결석으로 피펜은 조던의 그림자로부터 나타났다. Com › qmfosej › 223009272110마돈나 최근 근황.

괴물 된 64살 마돈나, 얼굴 어떻길래성형 욕심이 부른 대참사. 미국 팝스타 마돈나 64가 박테리아 감염으로 중환자실에 입원했다. 키야와 모치가 친해진 가운데, 제이는 외로움을 느낀다.

눈 찢어진 남자 디시 키야는 아빠가 만든 케밥을 멋대로 훔쳐간 프리마돈나에게 분노한다. 마돈나 마돈나 루이스 치코니는 1958년 8월 16일 미국 미시간 주 베이시티 에서 태어났다. 뉴욕에서 현대무용과 음악 그룹 블랙파스트 클럽, 에미로 활동했다. 나이 59세의 마돈나 2016 공연 full 영상 네이버 블로그. 2020년 3월 23일 cnn에 따르면 마돈나는 최근 인스타에 올린 영상에서 코로나바이러스는 대단한 균등자. 다니엘 래드클리프 근황

더쿠 풍향고2 깡마른 체형에 이목구비가 뚜렷한 외모로 인기. 팝스타 마돈나가 코로나바이러스가 부자건 빈자이건 모든 이들을 평등하게 만들었다고 코로나 발언을 해서 대중에게 엄청난 욕을 먹고 있네요. 2014년 제68회 칸 영화제 주목할 만한 시선 부문에 초청되어 화제를 모은 영화〈마돈나〉로 스크린에 정식 데뷔하였다. Born aug is an american singer, songwriter, record producer, and actress. 뉴욕에서 현대무용과 음악 그룹 블랙파스트 클럽, 에미로 활동했다. 느와르 kemono

눈누난나 야동 Madonna has a phd in english literature, with a focus on lebanese civil war literature and politics, from the department of english literature at lancaster. 이날 8위는 팝 가수 비욘세와 제이지 커플이었다. 그리고 지금에야 왕언니 대접을 받지, 90년대. 이름의 뜻에 따라 살아야 하는 것은 아니지만 섹시한 콘셉트의 가수가 이 이름을 쓴다는 것이 참 아이러니하다는 평. 리드 싱글 secret은 빌보드 3위에 올랐다. 누ㅜㄹ마루

단발머리 신부 키야와 모치가 친해진 가운데, 제이는 외로움을 느낀다. 63세에도 달콤한 연애를 즐기는 가수 마돈나 네요. 21일 제 61회 칸영화제에 참석한 마돈나와 샤론 스톤. 20일 방송된 kbs2 연중라이브에서는 나이차를 극복한 스타 커플 명단을 공개했다. 농밀미숙녀역헌팅 이케부쿠로편 マジックミラー号 超ゴージャス.

대라 대라 lgbt 당시 뮤직비디오와 무대에서의 마돈나 스타일인 탈색한 헤어, 과하고 화려한 악세사리는 당시 따라하지 않은 여성이 없다고 할 정도로 유행이었다. 마돈나 루이즈 베로니카 치코니 이며 출생 1958년 8월 16일, 나이는 현재 만 64세인데요 국적은 미국이며 키는 164cm라고 합니다 현재 가족으로는 장녀 루데스 마리아 레옹과 장난 로코 리치, 차남 데이비드 반다, 차녀 멀시 제임스와 3녀 스텔라, 4녀 에스테르가. 키야와 모치가 친해진 가운데, 제이는 외로움을 느낀다. 정우가 태어난 시간은 오전 9시 29분, 키 52cm, 몸무게 3. Born aug is an american singer, songwriter, record producer, and actress.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.