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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Hours ago 김해준,아바타 아닌 뚱바타 분장으로 대국민 사과 왜. 강남녀석 on twitter @b5clt3yo1gpbtp1 2시간30분 기본 44만에 추가 1시간마다 11만입니다. 맛있는녀석들 맛있는녀석들명태만상 맛있는녀석들황태구이 논현동맛집 강남구청역맛집 황태구이맛집 맛녀석황태구이 고향집 논현동고향집 서울특별시 강남구 언주로134길 20. 더 맛있는 녀석들 499회 강남구의 소꼬리찜 식당은 어디인지 정보를 알아보았습니다.

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黄瓜拌 황과 빤이라고 하는데 黄瓜는 뭐 발음은 황과라고 하고 오이라는 뜻의 중국어이고요.. 이 영상은 모든 양아치 분들을 일반화하거나 폄하하려는 의도가 아주 조금은 있으며 원작 불량연애를 바탕으로 코미디를 위해 다소 매콤하게 각색된..

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거기다 아들 녀석 엄마까지 세종시 직장으로 복귀하지 않고 서울에서 버티는 바람에. 논문 발표 한다며 학회 참석하러 유럽으로 튀었습니다, 불량품연애 싸움 아닌 사랑하러 온 양아치들의 보법이 다른. 첫번째로 찾아간 곳은 강남구에 위치한 소꼬리찜 전문점 식당이었습니다, Days ago 한 연예 기사에선 병무청 강남 귀화, 원하면 병역이행 가능이란 제목의 기사를 올려서 마치 강남이 귀화하면 모병 지원이 가능한 것처럼 추측하게 만들기도 했는데, 이는 기자가 병무청의 답변을 왜곡 해석해서 생긴 일이다. 2018년 7월 11일 드라마화 기념으로 내 id는 강남미인.

찐네토 찐돔 돈잘쓰고 자지큰오빠 돔이지만 에세머 아님 엉덩이 말고는 때리는거. 맛있는녀석들 딤섬 쏘는맛 맛녀석 강남구 신사동 딩딤1968 맛있는 녀석들 딤섬 맛녀석 편에 오늘은 쏘는맛 특집으로 강남구 신사동 딩딤1968이 소개된다고 합니다. Com › mandooinlondonminji @mandooinlondon instagram photos and videos.

2022년 8월말 어제 저녁 딸내미가 살짜쿵 다가와서 먹어보고 싶은게 있단다. 왼쪽에 있는 반찬 우리말로는 뭐라고 해야 하나 오이소박이. 뭔가 익숙한곳이다 싶었는데 예전에 다녀온적이 있는 가게가 맞더라구요. 더 맛있는 녀석들 소꼬리찜 맛녀석 멤버들이 찾은 강남구.

서울맛집 강남맛집 서울진홍 안녕하세요 서울진홍입니다 오늘소개할곳은 강남구청역에 위치한 해몽입니다 맛있게 즐겨주세요, 뉴스엔 원문 기사전송 20260130 1930. 영업시간은 주중 0000 2400입니다. 미리 비ㅇㄱㄹ 한알이면 될텐데 1 reply0 retweets0 likes 1 강남녀석‏@gangnam_guy29 sep 2021 replying to @story2yastory.

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더 맛있는 녀석들 499회 강남구의 소꼬리찜 식당은 어디인지 정보를 알아보았습니다. Days ago 유흥,오피,유흥사이트,유흥업소,오피사이트,휴게텔,풀싸롱,강남유흥,강남오피와 관련된 유흥정보가 있습니다, 2018년 7월 11일 드라마화 기념으로 내 id는 강남미인. 2016년 4월 8일에 연재를 시작하여 2017년 12월 29일에 완결되었다, Com › gangnamguy23 › status강남녀석 on twitter 곧 출산이겠는데. 거기다 아들 녀석 엄마까지 세종시 직장으로 복귀하지 않고 서울에서 버티는 바람에.

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11 맛있는 녀석들 시작 이후 한동안 체구가 커졌으나, 2019년 들어 몸집이 조금 작아졌었다. 강남녀석 on twitter @b5clt3yo1gpbtp1 2시간30분 기본 44만에 추가 1시간마다 11만입니다. App 11,958 followers 337 following 1,328 posts, Com › profiles › gangnamguy강남녀석 on bsky profiles bluesky directory.

더 맛있는 녀석들 499회 강남구의 소꼬리찜 식당은 어디인지 정보를 알아보았습니다. 데프콘, 유민상, 이수지, 김해준이 전하는 알찬 맛 보고서 식욕 유발. 찐네토 찐돔 돈잘쓰고 자지큰오빠 돔이지만 에세머 아님 엉덩이 말고는 때리는거. Likes, 3 comments double_. 왼쪽에 있는 반찬 우리말로는 뭐라고 해야 하나 오이소박이.

2680만 594시간 2025년 1월 24일 더맛있는녀석들 499회에서는 할배의 훈수 특집이 방송되었습니다. 김해준,아바타 아닌 뚱바타 분장으로 대국민 사과 왜. 서울맛집 강남맛집 서울진홍 안녕하세요 서울진홍입니다 오늘소개할곳은 강남구청역에 위치한 해몽입니다 맛있게 즐겨주세요. Likes, 3 comments double_. 서울맛집 강남맛집 서울진홍 안녕하세요 서울진홍입니다 오늘소개할곳은 강남구청역에 위치한 해몽입니다 맛있게 즐겨주세요. 19금 프롬포트

14 로마자 사자같은 우리커리 너무도 사랑스럽고 이쁜 녀석 애교도 많고 꾹꾹이도 잘하는 아메리칸 컬이란 종류 큰산속에 버려졌다 구조된 아이 산속 생활로. Com › news_view김해준,아바타 아닌 뚱바타 분장으로 대국민 사과 왜. 26 2019년 9월, 빅히트 엔터테인먼트, 쏘스뮤직 이 민희진 과 합작해 진행한 플러스 글로벌 오디션의 공고 포스터와 홍보 영상에 출연했다. 거기다 아들 녀석 엄마까지 세종시 직장으로 복귀하지 않고 서울에서 버티는 바람에. Days ago 한 연예 기사에선 병무청 강남 귀화, 원하면 병역이행 가능이란 제목의 기사를 올려서 마치 강남이 귀화하면 모병 지원이 가능한 것처럼 추측하게 만들기도 했는데, 이는 기자가 병무청의 답변을 왜곡 해석해서 생긴 일이다. 3175924 자막

4665097 디시 업그레이드된 먹방과 재미가 함께하는 new 맛있는 녀석들. 이 가게는 강남역 완전 번화가 그 뒤쪽. 67k followers, 387 following, 452 posts minji @mandooinlondon on instagram 풀타임 엄마 in 🇬🇧. 네토들 영혼의단짝 율비달래기 내상치료 twitter 강남녀석 @gangnam_guy. 강남녀석 on bsky profiles bluesky directory. 2yeon_365 pding

20살 키크는법 디시 서울, 강남구, 역삼동에 위치하고 있습니다. 2016년 4월 8일에 연재를 시작하여 2017년 12월 29일에 완결되었다. 찐네토 찐돔 돈잘쓰고 자지큰오빠 돔이지만 에세머 아님 엉덩이 말고는 때리는거. 고향집 황태구이 청국장맛집 강남구청역맛집 강남구청맛집 맛녀석맛집 맛있는녀석들 맛있는녀석들. 거기다 아들 녀석 엄마까지 세종시 직장으로 복귀하지 않고 서울에서 버티는 바람에.

1855975 missav Com › gangnam_guy › status강남녀석 on twitter 당분간은 율비의 행복을 위해 유흥비를 투자할. 이 가게는 강남역 완전 번화가 그 뒤쪽. Com › kangkangnam강남 カンナム kangnam @kangkangnam instagram photos and video. 첫번째로 찾아간 곳은 강남구에 위치한 소꼬리찜 전문점 식당이었습니다. 손상원클라이밍 강남 핑크라고 하기엔 멀고 보라라고 하기엔 손.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.