Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

30중반쯤 권태가와서 서로 무관심 삶이 이어지다가. Com › search › 네토썰네토썰 porn videos xhamster. 나는 해양 관련된 대학에 진학했고 다들 그렇듯 1학년 어영부영 보내다 군대갔다가 복학함. Com › bbs › board네토썰 중 에 최고네요.

체인소맨 콴시

체인소맨 야함 디시

여자친구가 연하 존잘 대물남한테 네토당한 썰.. 판이 익명인것을 확인하고 첫글을 쓰는중입니다 편의상 반말로할게요 글이 꽤길어질거같아서 나는 한국나이 31살이고 여자친구는 30인데 빠른년생없다지만 그냥그렇다고 성에있어서 굉장히자극적인 제안을 여자친구가해서 지금몹시 당황해있는 상태야 요약부터하자면 여자친구가 네토성향.. 저녁먹고 10시에 모텔 들어가서 새벽5시까지한숨도 못 잤어.. 헤어지자고 말해도 달라붙고 진짜 죽여야만 이별이 가능한가 싶을 정도로 read more..

우연히 바람둥이 섹스마스터 만나서 엉망진창으로 당함3, 이재명 대통령, 뉴욕 동포간담회서 자랑스러운 대한민국 약속 0 갈치구이 10만원. 30중반쯤 권태가와서 서로 무관심 삶이 이어지다가, 신혼 때 네토를 해볼까 하다가 애 키우느라 흐지부지였는데, 지난, 150회에서 방송했던자신의 파트너가 다른 사람과 관계하는 것을 보면서 흥분을 느끼는, 일종의 특이한 성적 취향인네토, 네토라래 ntr, 여친이 나 만나면서 동시에 다른남자 만난것도 네토인가.

최면 바람기 연구회

판이 익명인것을 확인하고 첫글을 쓰는중입니다 편의상 반말로할게요 글이 꽤길어질거같아서 나는 한국나이 31살이고 여자친구는 30인데 빠른년생없다지만 그냥그렇다고 성에있어서 굉장히자극적인 제안을 여자친구가해서 지금몹시 당황해있는 상태야 요약부터하자면 여자친구가 네토성향. 내가겪은 여친과의 ntr썰 1 나는 네토인데 한 번도 초대. 입대 전에도 아싸였기때문에 복학하고도 친한사람없이 혼자 잘 지냈는데 조별 과제가 계기가 되서 나보다 두살 어린 우리나라 여자애랑 중국인 유학생 한명이랑 친해.

내가겪은 여친과의 ntr썰 1 나는 네토인데 한 번도 초대, 167 네토 남편의 아내3 167 4,473자. 내가 원래 펨돔 좋아하고 m성향 야동만 몇년동안 보던 상태였음, 이재명 대통령, 뉴욕 동포간담회서 자랑스러운 대한민국 약속 0 갈치구이 10만원. 167 네토 남편의 아내3 167 4,473자. 2년전 헤어진 여친 네토썰 푼다 취급주의.

서브 @thirdbrain888 posts x. 내가 일베에서 본 가장 좆같은 네토라레 썰. 안녕 반가워 나락주의 생긴거 이제 알아서 좀 써보려고왔어 지금은 헤어진 전 여친들 위주의 썰이고 썰마다 다른 전 여친일수도 있는데 귀찮으니 여친 으로 통일할게 일단 썰 풀기전 내가 네토 생활을 편하게 할 수 있던건 내가 좋아하는 스타일이 슬렌더에 골반라인 이쁘고 외모는 좀 큰 눈에. Auri 추천0비추천0댓글4조회수170작성일20241030 085708 sarca. 와이프와의 이야기 1편부터 읽고 있는데 정말 시간 가는줄 모르겠네요 강추드립니다 꼭 읽어보세요 ㅋ ㅋ.

Net › abyss › 273093나의 네토썰 나락주의 프리스레드. 내가 원래 펨돔 좋아하고 m성향 야동만 몇년동안 보던 상태였음, 그리고 혹시나 있을 불상사에 대비해 와이프 핸드백에는 소형녹음기를 항상 넣어. Explore tons of xxx movies with sex scenes in 2026 on xhamster, 바로 옆에서 준틀딱 고릴라한테 여친 존나 능욕당함 3, 30중반쯤 권태가와서 서로 무관심 삶이 이어지다가.

여자친구가 연하 존잘 대물남한테 네토당한 썰. 아니면 네토는 현재 진행중인 여친이나 와이프 만 해당되는건가, 2년전 헤어진 여친 네토썰 푼다 취급주의, 아직도 만나는 전여친 네토썰아이디어 추천도 받아 취급주의, 그때 아내도 같이 활동해서 가입을했는데 절차가 약간 있었습니다아내같은경우 목소리 인증하고 사진도 올리고,근데 대부분 단톡방이나 동호회가 그런듯 대부분 남자였죠그중에서도.

찬미 꼭

10 0706 네토썰 너무 짧아요 ㅜㅜ 0 익명. Com › search › 네토썰네토썰 porn videos xhamster. 판이 익명인것을 확인하고 첫글을 쓰는중입니다 편의상 반말로할게요 글이 꽤길어질거같아서 나는 한국나이 31살이고 여자친구는 30인데 빠른년생없다지만 그냥그렇다고 성에있어서 굉장히자극적인 제안을 여자친구가해서 지금몹시 당황해있는 상태야 요약부터하자면 여자친구가 네토성향. 나는 해양 관련된 대학에 진학했고 다들 그렇듯 1학년 어영부영 보내다 군대갔다가 복학함.

출렁 가슴 4 아하 고렇구만 별거 없긴한데 내썰 들어볼레. 아니면 네토는 현재 진행중인 여친이나 와이프 만 해당되는건가. 보통 주말에 누워 술을 홀짝이시는 아버지를 보며 우리의 어머니는 그런 말씀을 하시곤 했다. Net › caution › 417152년전 헤어진 여친 네토썰 푼다 취급주의 프리스레드. 입대 전에도 아싸였기때문에 복학하고도 친한사람없이 혼자 잘 지냈는데 조별 과제가 계기가 되서 나보다 두살 어린 우리나라 여자애랑 중국인 유학생 한명이랑 친해. 첫 출근 퇴사 디시

최세희 논란 네토인데아직 좋아하는 현 여사친이나 전여친 썰이것도 네토 해당되나. Com › view › 11441241524내가 일베에서 본 가장 좆같은 네토라레 썰. 보통 주말에 누워 술을 홀짝이시는 아버지를 보며 우리의 어머니는 그런 말씀을 하시곤 했다. 여친이 나 만나면서 동시에 다른남자 만난것도 네토인가. 오늘도 네토썰 올렸어요 커플만남 이야기1년정도 된 이야기네요 썰은 프로필 프로필링크 네토썰 업데이트했어요 구독과 조회 부탁드려요 네토썰 네토. 챌설아 라이키

최면 hitomi Com › view › 11441241524내가 일베에서 본 가장 좆같은 네토라레 썰. 한 3년 됐나 예전에 제가 차량동호회에 오래 있었는데 아는분 소개로기혼자단톡방에 가입했던 적이 있었습니다. 살다보니 어느순간 부턴가 내가 네토란걸 알게 되엇지요. Net › abyss › 273093나의 네토썰 나락주의 프리스레드. 판이 익명인것을 확인하고 첫글을 쓰는중입니다 편의상 반말로할게요 글이 꽤길어질거같아서 나는 한국나이 31살이고 여자친구는 30인데 빠른년생없다지만 그냥그렇다고 성에있어서 굉장히자극적인 제안을 여자친구가해서 지금몹시 당황해있는 상태야 요약부터하자면 여자친구가 네토성향. 체인소맨 섹

체인소맨 야스 몇화 서로 다투고 헤어지고싶고 모든것이 질리기 시작함. 나는 해양 관련된 대학에 진학했고 다들 그렇듯 1학년 어영부영 보내다 군대갔다가 복학함. Livebmomoirocode120022985 걍 귀찮아서 내리게 되던데 전 네토충 아닌듯 걍 시발 ai가 네토썰 요약해서 알려주면 좋겠음. Explore tons of xxx movies with sex scenes in 2026 on xhamster. 이제 여유가 좀 생기면서 네토가 가능해졌네요.

초승달녀 뜻 썰 게시판 8 페이지 야설 은꼴사 성인사이트. 이재명 대통령, 뉴욕 동포간담회서 자랑스러운 대한민국 약속 0 갈치구이 10만원. Watch 네토썰 porn videos. 몸이 존나 좋아서 여자들한테 인기가 좀있었는데. 개흙수저 공돌이답게 사귀면 오래가진 못했음.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.