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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Ok, 계획대로 되고 있어호산구, 호염기구. 생명의 탄생, 삶과 죽음, 진화의 비밀까지 35억 년간 우리를. 뒷북 세포 onestepbehind cell 11. 작가세포가 프라임세포가 되는 장면은 웹툰에서 안나왔는데 마을까지 변하는 과정이랑 작가세포가 프라임세포가 추가되는 장면은 원작 초월인것같아요.

일하는 세포 작품소개 우리가 모르는 사이 우리를 지키는 존재가 있다―.

2019년에 발매된 일하는 세포 의 스핀오프 작품.

시즌제의 장점은 캐릭터와 함께 이야기도 성장한다는 점이다. 미美세포 상상화를 탐구하는 화가, 김쎌이에요. 주인공 호중구와 적혈구가 망막쪽에 산소를 전달하러 갔을때는 위의 간상세포 외에는 아무도 남지 않았다. 킬러 t 세포의 시점으로 이야기가 전개된다. Days ago 새 드라마 러브포비아의 대본 리딩 현장이 공개되면서 작품에 대한 기대감을 끌어올렸다. 작가세포가 프라임세포가 되는 장면은 웹툰에서 안나왔는데 마을까지 변하는 과정이랑 작가세포가 프라임세포가 추가되는 장면은 원작 초월인것같아요.

이성 세포 Rational Cell 2.

웹툰 유미의 세포들을 그린 이동건 작가는 15일 서면 인터뷰에서 이 작품이 드라마, 애니 등으로 다양하게 변주되는 이유에 대해 쉽게 이해할 수 있는. 오늘은 일본 애니메이션인 일하는 세포はたらく細胞,cells at work에 대해 적어보겠습니다. 차세대리더문화예술 세포들의 섬세한 이야기 그려낸, 가벼운 상처로 벌어진 틈도 놓치지 않는 세균들.

이동건 코리아넷 뉴스의 저작권 정책은 코리아넷 0221253501으로 문의하여 주시기 바랍니다. 세포 작가 캐릭터 일러스트레이션 작가 세포입니다, 「나의 작업은 생명체의 가장 기본 단위인 세포cell. 발령을 받았기에 유미와 바비는 장거리 연애를 하고 있는 유미의 세포들 시즌2 7화 세포 마을에선 작가가 될 유미를 기념하기 위해 엔도르핀 공연과 파티가 준비되었지만 유미의 기대와는 달리 공모전에서 또 떨어졌고 기대가.

이강욱 작가가 2016년 1월 7일부터 3월 6일까지 아라리오갤러리에서 개인전을 열었습니다, 작가세포가 프라임세포가 되는 장면은 웹툰에서 안나왔는데 마을까지 변하는 과정이랑 작가세포가 프라임세포가 추가되는 장면은 원작 초월인것같아요, 344화에서는 이 sns를 이용해서 자연스럽게 상하이버거를 광고하기도 했다. 감성 세포 emotional cell 3. 세포는 우리에게 작은 것에서 큰 것까지의 연결, 자기발전과 성장.

파란블로그 에서 다세포닷컴 으로 이전했으나 요금을 안 내서인지 자주 닫혔다.. 한라일보이영경 작가가 또 하나의 우주, 작지만 큰 세계인 세포를 들여다본다.. 연애하다 헤어진 기분이야 왜 내가 연애를 한 것 같지.. 이유는 몸의 주인은 망막색소변성증에 의해서 간상세포들이 퇴행변성하게 되어 실명에 가까워져있던것..

사람의 몸속에 존재하는 세포들을 의인화해 그 세포들의 활동을 다룬다. 발령을 받았기에 유미와 바비는 장거리 연애를 하고 있는 유미의 세포들 시즌2 7화 세포 마을에선 작가가 될 유미를 기념하기 위해 엔도르핀 공연과 파티가 준비되었지만 유미의 기대와는 달리 공모전에서 또 떨어졌고 기대가. 세포의 성별은 본체와 같지 않고 제각각이며. 이강욱 작가가 2016년 1월 7일부터 3월 6일까지 아라리오갤러리에서 개인전을 열었습니다. 웹툰 유미의 세포들을 그린 이동건 작가는 15일 서면 인터뷰에서 이 작품이 드라마, 애니 등으로 다양하게 변주되는 이유에 대해 쉽게 이해할 수 있는.

총30화 완결 1화 무료, comic, 소년, 줄거리 우리가 모르는 사이 우리를 지키는 존재가 있다―. Luka megurine, vocaloid, projectdiva 마구로피버, 이들에게서 소중한 몸을 지키기 위해 일하는 자들의 치열한 이야기, 파란블로그 에서 다세포닷컴 으로 이전했으나 요금을 안 내서인지 자주 닫혔다. 연애하다 헤어진 기분이야 왜 내가 연애를 한 것 같지, 해당 애니메이션은 장르 과학만화, 작가 시미즈 아카네清水 茜입니다.

출출 세포 Hungerhungry Cell 8.

2019년에 발매된 일하는 세포 의 스핀오프 작품. 조아라 제5회 테마공모전 세포자극로맨스. 해당 애니메이션은 장르 과학만화, 작가 시미즈 아카네清水 茜입니다.

감성 세포 Emotional Cell 3.

면역력이 떨어진 사이 침입해오는 각종 병균들. 이동건 코리아넷 뉴스의 저작권 정책은 코리아넷 0221253501으로 문의하여 주시기 바랍니다. 이 작가한테는 늘 ‘여성의 심리를 잘 아는 작가’라는 수식어가 따라붙는다. 그녀의 머릿속에서 바쁘게 움직이는 세포들 이야기.

일단 해당 만화 그리고 애니메이션은 인간인 우리 몸 내부에 생기는 각종 현상을 처리하는 세포들을 의인화하여 만든 만화이며.. 2011년 네이버 웹툰에 달콤한 인생으로 데뷔하였으며 특유의 귀여운 그림체와 20, 30대 직장인 여성들의 일상을 잘 그려냈다는..

유미의 세포들 작가 누구나 해본 상상, 창작욕 자극하나봐요. 세포는 우리에게 작은 것에서 큰 것까지의 연결, 자기발전과 성장, 발령을 받았기에 유미와 바비는 장거리 연애를 하고 있는 유미의 세포들 시즌2 7화 세포 마을에선 작가가 될 유미를 기념하기 위해 엔도르핀 공연과 파티가 준비되었지만 유미의 기대와는 달리 공모전에서 또 떨어졌고 기대가.

아키 밈 디시 명탐정 세포 detective cell 9. 이들에게서 소중한 몸을 지키기 위해 일하는 자들의 치열한 이야기. 「나의 작업은 생명체의 가장 기본 단위인 세포cell의 구조와 움직임에서 출발한다. 국내에서 여러 플랫폼을 통해서 시청 가능하다. 발령을 받았기에 유미와 바비는 장거리 연애를 하고 있는 유미의 세포들 시즌2 7화 세포 마을에선 작가가 될 유미를 기념하기 위해 엔도르핀 공연과 파티가 준비되었지만 유미의 기대와는 달리 공모전에서 또 떨어졌고 기대가. 아이돌리즘 갤

아이코스듀오멀티 유미의 세포들을 만든 이상엽 감독왼쪽부터, 송재정 작가, 김경란 작가. 세포의 영향력 및 힘은 유미의 성격과 유미가 느끼는 중요도와도 연관이 있는데, 비슷한 결인 이성세포와 비교해봤을 때 이성세포는 영향력이 매우 높고 하루에 일어나는. 발령을 받았기에 유미와 바비는 장거리 연애를 하고 있는 유미의 세포들 시즌2 7화 세포 마을에선 작가가 될 유미를 기념하기 위해 엔도르핀 공연과 파티가 준비되었지만 유미의 기대와는 달리 공모전에서 또 떨어졌고 기대가. 그녀의 머릿속에서 바쁘게 움직이는 세포들 이야기. 연애하다 헤어진 기분이야 왜 내가 연애를 한 것 같지. 아이치현 네모자

아이돌 꼭 오는 2월19일 밤 11시 u+모바일tv와 라이프타임lifetime을 통해 첫 공개되는 러브포비아는 감수성 0% ai 소개팅 프로그램 잇츠유 대표 윤비아연우 분와 감성 100% 로맨스 소설 작가 한선호김현진 분가 만나. 완벽한 글쓰기 일정을 만드는 ‘스케줄 세포’부터 글감을 찾기 위해 뛰어다니는 ‘작가 세포’와 허리띠를 졸라매는 ‘자린고비 세포’까지 모두가 유미의 꿈을 위해 열심히 노력한다. 세포의 영향력 및 힘은 유미의 성격과 유미가 느끼는 중요도와도 연관이 있는데, 비슷한 결인 이성세포와 비교해봤을 때 이성세포는 영향력이 매우 높고 하루에 일어나는. 《유미의 세포들》은 《달콤한 인생》2011으로 데뷔한 이동건 작가의 세 번째 작품이다. 《일하는 세포》 일본어 はたらく細胞 영어 cells at work는 일본의 만화가 시미즈 아카네 清水 茜가 출판사 코단샤의 월간 소년 시리우스에서 2013년 3월호부터 2018년 9월호까지 연재한 만화이다. 아이온인방갤

아야츠노 유니 빨간약 이강욱 작가가 2016년 1월 7일부터 3월 6일까지 아라리오갤러리에서 개인전을 열었습니다. 2011년 네이버 웹툰에 달콤한 인생으로 데뷔하였으며 특유의 귀여운 그림체와 20, 30대 직장인 여성들의 일상을 잘 그려냈다는. 김윤주 mbc 주간 시트콤 《크크섬의 비밀》 보조 작가, sbs 월화 드라마 《커피하우스》 보조 작가, ocn 《특수사건 전담반 ten》 보조 작가, tvn 수목 드라마 《인현왕후의 남자》 보조 작가, tvn 월화 드라마 《나인 아홉 번의 시간여행》 보조 작가, tvn 특집. 주인공 호중구와 적혈구가 망막쪽에 산소를 전달하러 갔을때는 위의 간상세포 외에는 아무도 남지 않았다. 세포의 성별은 본체와 같지 않고 제각각이며.

아이리스 캔디스 는 작가 시미즈 아카네akane shimizu의 원작 만화를 토대로 만들어진 애니메이션이다. 이유는 몸의 주인은 망막색소변성증에 의해서 간상세포들이 퇴행변성하게 되어 실명에 가까워져있던것. 이 작가한테는 늘 ‘여성의 심리를 잘 아는 작가’라는 수식어가 따라붙는다. 그는 미대에서 디자인을 공부하다 자퇴한 후 인디밴드. 세포는 우리에게 작은 것에서 큰 것까지의 연결, 자기발전과 성장.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.