US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, July 30, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, July 30, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, July 30, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, July 30, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, July 30, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, July 30, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, July 30, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, July 30, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, July 30, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, July 30, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, July 30, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, July 30, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, July 30, 2026.
나도 저런 사람 못알아보는데 남자 만나기 진짜 무섭다 blind 블라인드에 올라온 글 보셨어요. 애덜아 한량 문란남st인것처럼 보여도ㅇㅇ추천해주라 나도. Net › name › 46461926근데 남자가 문란한거랑 여자가 문란한거랑 차이가 좀 심하지 않아. 일단 모르긴몰라도 노르웨이숲은 한번 보려고.
잘난 여자들도 같지 않냐고 반문한다면, 보통 같지 않다. 문란한 남자가 문란한 여자 책임을 왜 져, Com › 6174114166ㅎㅇ문란한 사람 거르는 팁이 있을까 연애상담 에펨코리아, 네가 말하는게 아예 아다 아니면 상대의 문란함을 논하지 말라는 이야긴데 그게 극단적이라고 생각은 안 해봤냐.38 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보.. 23 060349 삭제 역갤러5220.. 서빙하는 아줌마들 보는 그 눈빛이 너무 소름돋게 괴이했음..
| 이를 의식 김박최수연의 엄마가 워낙 문란한 사람이다 보니 만나는 사람들도 비슷할 가능성이. | 문란한 성생활 때문에 좀 힘들어하는 남주인공이나 여주인공 다룬 소설 있을까. |
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| 야동 시청은 회백질과 전전두엽, 선조체를 파괴한다말로만 파괴된다는 게 아니라 일주일에 2시간만 야동 봐도 mri상 뇌세포 볼륨이 실제 줄어듦이게 지능, 참을성, 양심, 동기부여에 중요한 부분인데 유년기 스마트폰 보급으. | Com › board › view남자경험수에 따른 여자 마인드변화. |
| 첫연애도 군대 갔다오고 23살에 했으니. | 일반 반박불가 압도적으로 문란한 남자 특징 알려준다. |
| 38 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. | 102 남녀 다른게, 남자사주가 문란하면 실제로도 문란한 경우가 대부분인데 여자사주가 문란한건 실제론 안문란한, 철벽녀도 많아서 현실과 다름. |
| 남자친구는 저랑 나이 차이가 좀 나긴하지만 키가 185에 몸이 정말 좋아요 사실 동안인지는 잘 모르겠지만 동안이든 아니든 그냥 엄청 멋있습니다. | 06 204002 조회 48265 추천 716 댓글 467 1 이미지 순서 on. |
Com › talk › 32281729520살남자, 사회가 너무 문란한것 같아 힘드네요 네이트 판. Net › name › 46461926근데 남자가 문란한거랑 여자가 문란한거랑 차이가 좀 심하지 않아. 서빙하는 아줌마들 보는 그 눈빛이 너무 소름돋게 괴이했음, 여자에게만 주의를 주면서 남자는 괜찮다고들 한다, 노출이 심한 의상, 예전 남자친구와의 비교, bossy한 태도 미디어에서 말하는 문란한 여자는 자기자신이 되었고 tv 드라마에서 말하듯 남자 경험이 많은 여자는 인기가 많은 높은 가치의 여성 문란한 여자는 당당한 신 여성이고.
그동안 젠더 관련 이슈가 남녀 간의 논쟁이, 남태현 과거 위너의 멤버였었던 남태현은 알고 보니 하나부터 열까지 문제가 많습니다, 일단 모르긴몰라도 노르웨이숲은 한번 보려고. 유머 문란하고 여자많은 남자 너무좋앙 51,891 247 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 20대 여직원이 바라본`문란하지 않은 남자`찾는 2030여성 특 ㅇㅇ 2023, 문란한 남자가 문란한 여자 책임을 왜 져.
서양야동 남자친구를 내어주고 같이 쓰리섬을 즐긴다 동양야동 여자친구를 엿먹여 서양야동 무릎을 끓고 오빠의 자지를 먹는다 동양야동 엄마의 보지 동양야동 맛있는 파티 서양야동 빌라에서의 성교육 동양야동 아빠의 여자가 되고싶어 망가. 생각없는 남자 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 남태현 과거 위너의 멤버였었던 남태현은 알고 보니 하나부터 열까지 문제가 많습니다. 통념적으로 여러명만나면 문란하다고 말하잖음, 남자친구는 저랑 나이 차이가 좀 나긴하지만 키가 185에 몸이 정말 좋아요 사실 동안인지는 잘 모르겠지만 동안이든 아니든 그냥 엄청 멋있습니다.
20대 이야기 문란한세상 안녕하세요 20살 남자입니다오랫만에 어릴적 친구랑 둘이서 술마시고 이런저런 얘기하다집와서 잠도 별로안오고 요즘 이거땜에 너무 스트레스인데 친구랑 얘기하면서 더 스트레스 받아서.. 23 060349 삭제 역갤러5220.. 하다하다 이젠 비처녀 쉴드 칠려고 동정남까지 내려침.. 유니 스택스리제 회장과의 사랑의 도피시로 전설의 01년생 8년 연애타비 목에 문신한 년의 문란한 남자관계히나 순수 비호감린 아오쿠모 푸른구름 청운리코 흔해비시절 연애 여러번 해봤다고 썰품나나 쵸키..
일단 서로서로 만나면 남자얘기부터 함. 궁금한게 있는데 문란하단게 정확히 무슨 뜻임, 남자지만 여자처럼 입고 다닌다고 할 가능성이 있기 때문, 진화생물학적으로 남자는 섹스와 정서가 별개인데. 애초에 전근대의 결혼이라는 것 자체가 남녀가 사랑해서 한다기보다는 가문과 가문 사이의 결합이라는 의미가 더욱 강했다.
06 1859 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리방침 청소년보호, 자꾸 이렇게 노력하는 모습을 보여주니까 절대 놓치고 싶지 않아요. 임신, 출산 리스크가 남자에게는 없기 때문이라는데, 생각없는 남자 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 그러나 대체로 문란한것도 부정할 수 없는 사실임, 식신의 관계를 살펴봐야한다 특히 식신이 어떠한 육친과 합을 하고있는지를 살펴보아야함 ex 예를들어.
잘난 남자는 높은 확률로 문란하다 연애 마이너 갤러리. 문란한 성생활 때문에 좀 힘들어하는 남주인공이나 여주인공 다룬 소설 있을까. 진화생물학적으로 남자는 섹스와 정서가 별개인데. 펌문란한 남자와 순진한 남자의 결말 milim 2025.
문란한 남자가 문란한 여자 책임을 왜 져, 지역별로 여친이 있다싶이 해서 전화받다 이름 헷갈려가지고 헤어진 여자도 있음, 사생활 문제 문란한 더러운 남자 연예인 1, 성적으로 문란한거 싫지않냐 istj아닌사람 답댓달지마세요. 여자에게만 주의를 주면서 남자는 괜찮다고들 한다.
Com › postcats › 15내가 사랑하는 평범한 엄마가 욕망에 지고, 문란한 동급생에게. 항상 문제는 한녀한테 있었는데 문제를 본인이 아닌 외부로 돌리려다가 발생한 최악의 상황인거지. Com › postcats › 15내가 사랑하는 평범한 엄마가 욕망에 지고, 문란한 동급생에게. 무의식에 있는 남자에 대한 두려움때문에 기본적으로 어느정도 존중을 지키며 싸우려는게 보임 섹스할때 본인의 만족보다 남자의 만족이 그냥 0순위의 0순위임, 소크라테스는 평생 남녀공용인 휴마디온 한 벌로 살았다 한다.
오다오툰 38 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 102 남녀 다른게, 남자사주가 문란하면 실제로도 문란한 경우가 대부분인데 여자사주가 문란한건 실제론 안문란한, 철벽녀도 많아서 현실과 다름. 난 문란한 성생활을 한 친구가 부럽더라. 자꾸 이렇게 노력하는 모습을 보여주니까 절대 놓치고 싶지 않아요. 뉴스1 최근 온라인 커뮤니티를 중심으로 설거지론, 퐁퐁남 등의 신조어가 등장하면서 네티즌들이 갑론을박을 벌이고 있다. 예쁜 실제 인어 공주
예쁘고 귀여운 만화 캐릭터 남자든 여자든 문란한 사람 만나지말라는 이유. 그런거 아니면 조신하게 널 선택하진 않을걸 2년. 생각없는 남자 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 38 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 남자지만 여자처럼 입고 다닌다고 할 가능성이 있기 때문. 영서 금수저 디시
영구 정조대 반박불가 압도적으로 문란한 남자 특징 알려준다 intj. 아무리 정편관이 혼잡되어있어도 남자관계 문란과는 거리가멀고 명예욕이라든가 일에만 매달리거나 일때문에 결혼안하는 여자들도있다. 코럴석동경원앤온리 지아빠한테 다른재벌가애들처럼 문란하게 놀아서 평범. 사생활 문제 문란한 더러운 남자 연예인 1. 그러면 예를들어 7명만나면 문란하다인거면6명은 문란하지않은거임. 여자 배빵 디시
연우 야듕 20대 여직원이 바라본`문란하지 않은 남자`찾는 2030여성 특 ㅇㅇ 2023. 요즘 남자친구는 술은 간단히 즐기는 정도로만 마시고, 공부하고, 운동합니다. 그러면 예를들어 7명만나면 문란하다인거면6명은 문란하지않은거임. 잘난 여자들도 같지 않냐고 반문한다면, 보통 같지 않다. 무의식에 있는 남자에 대한 두려움때문에 기본적으로 어느정도 존중을 지키며 싸우려는게 보임 섹스할때 본인의 만족보다 남자의 만족이 그냥 0순위의 0순위임.
오구라 히카리 나도 저런 사람 못알아보는데 남자 만나기 진짜 무섭다 blind 블라인드에 올라온 글 보셨어요. 서빙하는 아줌마들 보는 그 눈빛이 너무 소름돋게 괴이했음. 성적으로 문란한거 싫지않냐 istj아닌사람 답댓달지마세요. 일단 모르긴몰라도 노르웨이숲은 한번 보려고. 노출이 심한 의상, 예전 남자친구와의 비교, bossy한 태도 미디어에서 말하는 문란한 여자는 자기자신이 되었고 tv 드라마에서 말하듯 남자 경험이 많은 여자는 인기가 많은 높은 가치의 여성 문란한 여자는 당당한 신 여성이고.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on July 30, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, July 30, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, July 30, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, July 30, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.