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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일하다 고객으로 만난 여자친구는 22살이고, 제 나이 31이지만 26살로 속였습니다. 사이비 종교와 유사종교에 관한 갤러리 신천지 탈퇴자가 독재. 나한테 잘보이고 싶어서 속였다고 미안하대나랑 6살차인줄 알았는데 10살차이였음 ㅋㅋ원래도 계속 말하려고 했는데 자기가. 일반 나이차이 많이나는 연애에 대해 어떻게 생각하시나요 ㅇㅇ115.

일하다 고객으로 만난 여자친구는 22살이고, 제 나이 31이지만 26살로 속였습니다.

제가 좀 많이 동안이라서 2324살로 보길래 26이라그랬습니다.. Com › board › view나이 속인 남자 어떰.. 보통 나이 2224로 봄 처음엔 장난으로 속이고 다녔는데..

연인으로 발전 된 계기는 대화가 너무잘통하고, 서로 비슷한게 너무많아서 빠르게 연인으로 발전했습니다.

일하다 고객으로 만난 여자친구는 22살이고, 제 나이 31이지만 26살로 속였습니다.

일반 나이차이 많이나는 연애에 대해 어떻게 생각하시나요 ㅇㅇ115. 아 얘랑 잘되고싶은데 나이때문에 안될거같아나이 속이고 잘해봐야지. 판 댓글은 게시물에 대하여 자신의 생각을 말하고 남의 생각을 들으며 서로 다양한 의견을 나누는 공간입니다. 토픽 썸연애 팔로우 상대방이 34살 나이속이고 사겼는데 분당서울대병원 하 2021.

저도 참철이 안든게 이번 처음 나이차이가 많이 나는 사람과 만나는게 아닙니다 18살차이도10살 차이도 만나봤는데요 그땐 제 나이를 속이지 않았고, 이번이 처음이라 전부 거짓말로 얘기를 하게 되고. 속이는건데 저건 케이스가 너무 다르긴하다 아무리 40대 동안남이라고 해도 40대라고 밝히고 여자꼬시는거랑 나이속이고 꼬시는거랑 천지차이임, Com › qna › detail나이 속이고 만난 연애 네이버 지식in. 이런식으로 자기의심해서 사귀면서 을 자처하는듯, 1,723 32 속이고 만나다가 나중에 말해도 문제가 될거같긴한데 형누나동생들 생각은 어때, 친구들이랑 야장에서 꼬기먹고있었는데 어쩌다보니 옆테이블이랑 같이 놀게 되었어 내옆에 몸매좋고 얼굴도 고급지게 생겨서 좋았는데 마지막에 번호를 물어보더라고 그래서 알려줬는데나한테는 37살 이라고 말했어그래서 내가 31살 이지만 뭐 6살차이면 갠찮겠지.

Com › board › view나이 속인 남자 어떰. 그러나 간혹 불건전한 내용을 올리시는 분들이 계셔서 건전한 인터넷문화 정착을 위해 아래와 같은 운영원칙을 적용합니다, 친구들이랑 야장에서 꼬기먹고있었는데 어쩌다보니 옆테이블이랑 같이 놀게 되었어 내옆에 몸매좋고 얼굴도 고급지게 생겨서 좋았는데 마지막에 번호를 물어보더라고 그래서 알려줬는데나한테는 37살 이라고 말했어그래서 내가 31살 이지만 뭐 6살차이면 갠찮겠지.

13살도 아니고 8살 깎아서 말함아프간계 영국녀인데아직 성관계는 안 가짐사귀고 임신 3개월 정도 되면 솔직히 말해도 될까.

미성년자가 나이를 속이고 성인을 만났는데 이 사건도 성인이 처벌 받나요, 우리 둘 다 쿨하지 않았던 게 도움이 됐던 것 같아. 본인 능력있고 결혼하고싶어하는 마인드임. 일하다 고객으로 만난 여자친구는 22살이고, 제 나이 31이지만 26살로 속였습니다. 그러나 간혹 불건전한 내용을 올리시는 분들이 계셔서 건전한 인터넷문화 정착을 위해 아래와 같은 운영원칙을 적용합니다.

디시인사이드 하이파이 갤러리 우리 둘 다 쿨하지 않았던 게 도움이 됐던 것 같아. 작년부터 만남을 이어왔고 제가 미자였지만 20대라고 나이를 속이고 만났어요. 엔프제 남자친구가 나이를 속였어 enfj 마이너 갤러리. 연애중 애인이 나이를 속였어 ㅋㅋㅋ미치겠다. 저는 이제 스무살이 됐고 남친은 20대 중후반이에요. 레제 편 무료 다시보기

띠혜 수영복 실제 나이 31살인데 25살이라고 속이고 23살 여자애 만나고 있는데 매일 불안하다. Com › board › view나이속이고 여자친구 만난 남자의 황당한 변명 실시간 베스트 갤러. 나는 23살이었고, 그는 46살이었어. 연애중 애인이 나이를 속였어 ㅋㅋㅋ미치겠다. 남자친구는 절 20살로 알고있고 전 그에 맞게없던 직장도 지어내고 혹시라도 찾아올까봐 집도 속이고 술 얘기 등. 레이프 트리

레드홀릭스 후방 전 21살이고 여친은 22살로 알고 있었습니다 대학은 뜻이없어서 안갔고 자격증 공부중이라해서 그러려니 했습니다 2개월정도. 저는 이제 스무살이 됐고 남친은 20대 중후반이에요. 86년생인데 미국여친한테 26살이라속이고 연애중임 여친은 20살. 나이속이고 여자친구 만난 남자의 황당한 변명 ㅇㅇ124. 본인 능력있고 결혼하고싶어하는 마인드임. 레제 ai 디시

라바바바 Com › qna › detail나이 속이고 만난 연애 네이버 지식in. Com › board › view나이 속인 남자 어떰. 사랑도 신뢰가 뒷받침되어야 지속가능한건데 가장 기본적인 신분인 나이를 속이는거면 속은 상대방은 너를 대체 어떻게 믿음. Com › board › view나이 속인 남자 어떰. 나이 27인데 23으로 속이는데 걸린적은 없는데 만약 사실을 알게된다면 많은 배신감 느낌.

디시 하이닉스 근데 어차피 남자끼리 까놓고 말하는건데 그렇게 나이,나이 걸고 넘어질 급이면 나이속이는건 안 됨. 이런식으로 자기의심해서 사귀면서 을 자처하는듯. 1,723 32 속이고 만나다가 나중에 말해도 문제가 될거같긴한데 형누나동생들 생각은 어때. 나이 27인데 23으로 속이는데 걸린적은 없는데 만약 사실을 알게된다면 많은 배신감 느낌. 연인으로 발전 된 계기는 대화가 너무잘통하고, 서로 비슷한게 너무많아서 빠르게 연인으로 발전했습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.