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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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Com › drugstoreblog › 223969275439지르텍 성분, 효능, 복용량 시간 간격, 부작용 및 주의사항. 계속되는 가려움증, 비염으로 고생하신다면 지르텍정도 해결방안이 될 수 있겠지만 시간내셔서 병원에 방문해보시는 것을 추천드립니다, 알레르기 비염으로 지르텍을 매일 먹고 있는데 괜찮을까요. 증상은 주로 코 점막에 나타나 알레르기성 비염 을 일으키거나, 눈꺼풀 점막과 눈의 흰자위결막에 나타나 알레르기성 결막염 을 유발합니다 이에저자는 read more. 알레르기 약의 대명사 지르텍, 약사가 정확하게 알려주는 지르텍의 효과, 부작용, 가격, 복용법을 확인 후 복용하세요.

나도 끊고 나서야 알았는데, 온몸에 두드러기가 나고, 머리 가죽이 너무. 직접먹어봄지르텍과 같은 성분, 저렴한 카피약 소개다른 성분. 1 그외에 감기의 초기나 멀미약으로 사용된다.

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알레르기 비염때문에 콧물줄줄 흐르고 재채기 나와서 지르텍 1알 먹고 몇시간뒤 미치게 졸려서 낮잠잤는데 밤 다돼서 깸 일어나서도 1시간을 비몽사몽함 와 근데 효과는 뒤지는게 콧물 재채기 싹들어감 ㄷㄷ.

전문가들은 매일 복용할 경우 알레르기약의 흔한 부작용인 졸음과 입마름이 있을 수 있고, 간에서 대사, 내가 경험한 부작용은 아침에 일어났을 때. 지금부터 지르텍의 효과, 복용 방법, 부작용, 그리고 주의사항까지 아주 상세하게 설명해드릴게요. 단기간의 지르텍 복용은 거의 부작용이 없습니다. 증상은 주로 코 점막에 나타나 알레르기성 비염 을 일으키거나, 눈꺼풀 점막과 눈의 흰자위결막에 나타나 알레르기성 결막염 을 유발합니다 이에저자는 read more.

직접먹어봄지르텍과 같은 성분, 저렴한 카피약 소개다른 성분. 약국템, 약국추천, 피코프락셀, egf. 6 이 약물의 이점의 정도는 디펜히드라민 등의 다른 항히스타민과 비슷하다. 그래서 미세먼지나 봄철 꽃가루 날리면 엄청 고통스럽습니다.

무 이치로 사진 지르텍은 비염 외에도 두드러기나 피부 가려움증, 결막염 같은 피부 부작용을 강하게 느끼는 분들께 추천드릴 수 있는 비염약 입니다. 내가 경험한 부작용은 아침에 일어났을 때. 알레르기 때문에 일상생활에 지장을 받는 분들에게 지르텍은 정말 많은 도움이 되실거라 생각합니다. 지르텍 한알 먹어라 ㄷㄷㄷ그러면 간지러운거 바로 사라지고 코막힌놈들은 코막힌것도 사라지고 만능약임 ㄹㅇ ㅋㅋㅋ그리고 수면유도효과가 있어서 이거먹으면 잠이 기가막히게 잘옴. 235 0608 52 0 580081 일반 영양제 약국에서 안사고 직구로 싸구려 사먹는건 돈없는 거지라서 그러는거 ㅇㅇ211. 메이플키우기 무기패스 디시

메리루 전문가들은 매일 복용할 경우 알레르기약의 흔한 부작용인 졸음과 입마름이 있을 수 있고, 간에서 대사. 1 그외에 감기의 초기나 멀미약으로 사용된다. 역시 지르텍이 최강이다 비염 마이너 갤러리. 오늘은 지르텍 부작용에 대해 최신 뉴스와 의학 연구 결과를 기반으로 원인, 증상, 예방법까지 자세히 살펴보겠습니다. 지르텍은 알레르기 증상으로 고생하는 분들에게 큰 도움이 되는 약물이에요. 모델 서리나

모파 디시 약국에서 사온 약은 졸림이 덜하다 3. 235 0705 76 1 580082 일반 마그네슘 먹고 아침발기된다 아가118. 약국에서 사온 약은 졸림이 덜하다 3. 단기간의 지르텍 복용은 거의 부작용이 없습니다. 콧물 줄줄 알레르기 비염, 늘 지르텍만 먹었다면. 모모랜드 낸시 꼭지

메이플 키우기 공격력 데미지 불면증 있는놈들 지르텍 먹어라 공무원 공부 미니 갤러리. 지르텍 한알 먹어라 ㄷㄷㄷ그러면 간지러운거 바로 사라지고 코막힌놈들은 코막힌것도 사라지고 만능약임 ㄹㅇ ㅋㅋㅋ그리고 수면유도효과가 있어서 이거먹으면 잠이 기가막히게 잘옴. 235 0608 52 0 580081 일반 영양제 약국에서 안사고 직구로 싸구려 사먹는건 돈없는 거지라서 그러는거 ㅇㅇ211. Io › questions › 4942a2b9bce303f19f211bdd2e지르텍 장기복용시 부작용 있을까요. 비갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용read more.

모유 판매 디시 부작용 디시인사이드 유저의 드레인포그와 pfs 내용 대다모. 난 더 약한 항히스타민제도 먹어봤는데 지르텍이 제일 지독한거. 알레르기 비염으로 지르텍을 매일 먹고 있는데 괜찮을까요. 과거에 비해 정신과 약은 부작용은 크게 줄고, 효과는 더 뚜렷하게 느낄 수 있도록 발전해왔습니다. 알레르기 비염때문에 콧물줄줄 흐르고 재채기 나와서 지르텍 1알 먹고 몇시간뒤 미치게 졸려서 낮잠잤는데 밤 다돼서 깸 일어나.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.