Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

1style 시라카미 에미카 av데뷔 리뷰 — the movie d. 도움이 되셨다면 공감과 이웃추가 부탁드립니다. Com › goddess_js › 223429480867시라카미 에미카 emika shirakami, 白上咲花 네이버 블로그. 시라카미 에미카 출연 품번 얼굴에 쏘기.

전보 연 실물 디시

젤다 파야임신

1 style 출시일 2025년 02월 25일 배우 시라카미 에미카 emika shirakami 白上咲花 생년월일 2004년 01월 01일 신장 168cm 신체 사이즈 정보없음 컵 사이즈 정보없음 데뷔 2024년 04월 데뷔 플레이 타임 115분 유모, 노모 유모. 품번 sone604 제작사 s1 no. 시라카미 에미카는 2024년 4월에 데뷔한 2003년생 일본 어른 배우다. 트위터 팔로워 수가 빠르게 증가하며 일본과 한국에서 많은 관심을 받고 있다고 한다.

제나 오르테가 사고

시라카미 에미카 白上咲花 emika shirakami sone467 미리보기 네이버 블로그 s1 35개의 글 목록열기, Org › movie › 1304758no1styleav초대형 신인 no, Com › xyzinfo › 223737890932시라카미 에미카 emika shirakami 白上咲花 네이버 블로그.

S1 데뷔하기전에 마이너쪽에서 많은 작품을 내기도 했었지만 이제는 뭐 중고신인이 너무 많아서 그러려니 하게된다, 정말 이 배우에 대한 관심이 뜨거운 것 같은데요. Com › board › 11601095월2일 시라카미에미카 도쿄 아키하바라 이벤트 후기 avdbs.

순수하면서 준수한 얼굴, 전형적인 슬랜더 몸매에 말고 하얀 피부까지 갖춘 에미카는 특히 배우가 아닌 일반인 느낌이 강한 것이 장점이다.. 도움이 되셨다면 공감과 이웃추가 부탁드립니다..

제니 소피아 레즈

Com › board › 11601095월2일 시라카미에미카 도쿄 아키하바라 이벤트 후기 avdbs. 어덜트계에서, 금세기 제일의 정통파 미소녀 스타. 그러나 아이 같은 일면도 있고, 순진하게 말하고. Com › rnsdltladl777 › 223421181098시라카미 에미카, emika shirakami, 프로필, 흰 피부의 청순 귀요미.

시라카미 에미카 白上咲花 emika shirakami 생년월일 2003年12月27日 신장 168 cm 신체사이즈, Com › ssihu1262 › 223471820202s1 데뷔 신예 시라카미 에미카 귀엽고 매력적인 배우의 모든 것 네, 캐치프레이즈 에밋치의 미소笑み、에미로 어머나 신기해라.

전화하면서 자위 야동

Com › emika_shirakami白上咲花 @emika_shirakami instagram photos and videos. 전부 용서해주는 수줍고 상냥한 신인 간호사씨는 언제나 안면저멘 투성이 시라카미사키카. 캐치프레이즈 에밋치의 미소笑み、에미로 어머나 신기해라. 1style 시라카미 에미카 av데뷔 리뷰 — the movie d, 거기다가 피부도 정말 하얀 편에다가 좋고 키도 168cm로 상당히 크고 거기다가 작은 얼굴로 오랜만에 보는 s1에서 데뷔했지만 무디즈에서 볼법한 미인형 귀요미 배우다.

데뷔작 기대됩니다 4k 화질 완벽하네요 그녀의 데뷔작, 수통 단단히 채워두고 기대하셔도 좋을 것 같습니다 🎯 s1신인 시라카미에미카 2024기대작 168cm미모 청순미녀 p.. 일본 의 아이돌 그룹 nmb48 3기생 출신이다.. 품번 sone604 제작사 s1 no.. Com › emika_shirakami白上咲花 @emika_shirakami instagram photos and videos..

시라카미 에미카 출연 품번 얼굴에 쏘기, 문제는 많은 분들이 정확하지 않은 정보로 헷갈리고 계신다는 겁니다, 트위터 팔로워 수가 빠르게 증가하며 일본과 한국에서 많은 관심을 받고 있다고 한다. 딱 한국인이 좋아할만한 청순 귀요미라고 해야할까. Com › 1263koreaoldboy.

정장야동 1style 시라카미 에미카 av데뷔 리뷰 — the movie d. Com › 1263koreaoldboy. 트위터 팔로워 수가 빠르게 증가하며 일본과 한국에서 많은 관심을 받고 있다고 한다. 백옥 같이 하얗고 깨끗한 피부와 풋풋한 얼굴에 섹시한 골반 하체라인이 매력 포인트인 배우. 하얀 피부에 미소녀 같은 순수한 얼굴로 데뷔작부터 많은 주목을 받은 신인이다. 전예담

조씨 특징 Com › ssihu1262 › 223471820202s1 데뷔 신예 시라카미 에미카 귀엽고 매력적인 배우의 모든 것 네. 시라카미 에미카 출연 품번 얼굴에 쏘기. S1 전속으로 데뷔 예정인 시라카미 에미카 입니다 스무살이고 몸매에 관한 정보는 공개되지 않았네요 시라. 순수하면서 준수한 얼굴, 전형적인 슬랜더 몸매에 말고 하얀 피부까지 갖춘 에미카는 특히 배우가 아닌 일반인 느낌이 강한 것이 장점이다. 💙 시라카미에미카 시라카미에미카작품 에미카 에미카페라떼 인쇄. 제미나이 인적 검토 디시

조르지나 리치 Com › 1263koreaoldboy. 딱 한국인이 좋아할만한 청순 귀요미라고 해야할까. 도움이 되셨다면 공감과 이웃추가 부탁드립니다. Com › emika_shirakami白上咲花 @emika_shirakami instagram photos and videos. 품번 sone604 제작사 s1 no. 전립선 섹트

제니 ㄸㄱ 디시 시라카미 에미카 白上咲花 emika shirakami 생년월일 2003年12月27日 신장 168 cm 신체사이즈. Com › ssihu1262 › 223471820202s1 데뷔 신예 시라카미 에미카 귀엽고 매력적인 배우의 모든 것 네. 딱 한국인이 좋아할만한 청순 귀요미라고 해야할까. 완벽한 신인의 등장 과장이 아닌 것 같습니다. 백옥 같이 하얗고 깨끗한 피부와 풋풋한 얼굴에 섹시한 골반 하체라인이 매력 포인트인 배우.

젊은년따먹기 시라카미 에미카 白上咲花 emika shirakami sone467 미리보기 네이버 블로그 s1 35개의 글 목록열기. 딱 한국인이 좋아할만한 청순 귀요미라고 해야할까. 어덜트계에서, 금세기 제일의 정통파 미소녀 스타. 트위터 팔로워 수가 빠르게 증가하며 일본과 한국에서 많은 관심을 받고 있다고 한다. 캐치프레이즈 에밋치의 미소笑み、에미로 어머나 신기해라.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.