매달 wamb부부의 취향을 공유하는 월간왐비 시리즈.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

閲覧有難うございます！ヽ ﾉ 創作や版権絵、たまに告知などなど！艦これ木曾ちゃんが嫁 連絡先sino. 가1족 시리즈 부모와 달력의 수수께끼 상급자편 14. 漫画『僕と君が夫婦になるまで』（kadokawa）の作者「しの」さんが2025年6月に亡くなっていたことが、「月刊コミック電撃大王」編集部の公式snsで明らかになりました。 本記事では漫画家・しの先生について詳しくまとめていきます。. 자신의 말에 순종적이고 허울뿐인 부부 관계를 유지하기에 가장 좋은 상대라 여겼기에 선택한 상대였지만, 결혼 후 서로에게 조금씩 스며들게 된다.

가1족 시리즈 머릿속 망상을 필사적으로 억제하는 도시락 가게 아저씨 13.

26 107days until jin returnskst ジンくんチャレンジday547 「ジンくんとナムさん」 モンジン夫婦 몬진 부부mon jin bubu ラップモンスター＋ジンで モンジン夫婦だって こういうのってアミが付けた 名前かと思ってたけど、 自分達で言ってるんだね. 미,대북제재 결정클린턴,안보회의 전격소집 한러 오늘밤 정상회담김 대통령 출국한반도 4각외교 연결 북 실크웜 미사일 동해서 발사실험미 국방부,강력메시지용 read more. 1,149 likes, 28 comments happy_smile0923 on febru 2024, 그렇게 서로를 집어삼키는 불온한 부부 관계가 시작되었다.

26 107days Until Jin Returnskst ジンくんチャレンジday547 「ジンくんとナムさん」 モンジン夫婦 몬진 부부mon Jin Bubu ラップモンスター＋ジンで モンジン夫婦だって こういうのってアミが付けた 名前かと思ってたけど、 自分達で言ってるんだね.

Com › Popular › しの부부시리즈しの 부부 시리즈.

사설 이혜훈 지명 철회 청와대 검증시스템 점검 계기로, 이에 대해 국가유산청은 세계유산 종묘 경관 read more, 사랑 때문에 발생한 발렌타인 데이의 의문의 참극.

파멸을 앞둔 악역 영애가 무리해서 히로인을 연기한 결과 61화. 『僕と君が夫婦になるまで』（ぼくとギャルがふうふになるまで）は月刊『コミック 電撃大王』で2023年2月号から連載されている漫画作品。 作者は しの pixivアカウント。2025年1月時点で単行本は既刊2巻。 なお、2025年8月27日に、 作者が同年6月に死去していたことが発表された ことで、作者の, 30대 옆으로 누워 마주보고 껴안고 잔다, Com › young8093ja › 222634115411재미난 부부시리즈 유머 네이버 블로그. 국가유산청서울시, 종묘 앞 재개발 두고 또 충돌.

해태가 열대과일 맛 시리즈 5종을처음으로 선보였대요 그중 하나.

사랑 때문에 발생한 발렌타인 데이의 의문의 참극.. 주역 학급 1반편집 오오이치 시키大市四季 킨시 스기야金志杉也 타마토 루히토玉戸流人 스토 레이토須戸礼翔 성우 아마미 유리나 쿄우 후지 read more..

『좋아하는 성벽 발표 부인』 다이어트 35. Likes, 0 comments mangasukide on decem しの 부부 시리즈 中. 그건 술을 너무 좋아해서 취하면 매우 귀여워져 버리는 것.

그건 술을 너무 좋아해서 취하면 매우 귀여워져 버리는 것. Com › reel › dsansz9eir0lome electric on instagram しの 부부 시리즈 中. ㅎㅎ 다시 봐도 웃껴서 올려보아요 저희를 팔로우하시면 약50대부부의 결혼25년만에 사이좋아진 스토리 보실 수있어요, Com › popular › しの부부시리즈しの 부부 시리즈.

일본의 만화 그 비스크 돌은 사랑을 한다를 원작으로 하는 Tv 애니메이션 시리즈 중 제1기.

가1족 시리즈 머릿속 망상을 필사적으로 억제하는 도시락 가게 아저씨 13. 해태가 열대과일 맛 시리즈 5종을처음으로 선보였대요 그중 하나. 서울시, 나홀로 사장님 아빠 출산휴가급여 120만원으로. 서울시, 나홀로 사장님 아빠 출산휴가급여 120만원으로.

웹툰만화 부부 관계, 세트,marital relations,契約夫婦の営み 우리, 아이 가져요. 자식에게는 거짓말 하지않는 착실한 부모 5. 좋아하는 상황을 발표하는 부인 귀파기 31. 자신의 말에 순종적이고 허울뿐인 부부 관계를 유지하기에 가장 좋은 상대라 여겼기에 선택한 상대였지만, 결혼 후 서로에게 조금씩 스며들게 된다, 바로 홈런볼 메론우유맛✨ 여름 느낌 제대로.

그록 이매진 마이너 갤러리 하지만 온전히 마음을 터놓지 못한 채 서로를 오해하고 갈등만 깊어가는 두 사람. しの @sino_sakisaki さんのマンガ一覧, 作品数116作品, フォロワー数402,562名. 가1족 시리즈 머릿속 망상을 필사적으로 억제하는 도시락 가게 아저씨 13. 1,149 likes, 28 comments happy_smile0923 on febru 2024. 그룹의 손자이자 후계자 경쟁 구도에 있는 승재는 재벌에 숨겨진 딸로 자라던 연우와 계약 결혼. 금화 전남친

그록 선정적 모드 디시 감독은 시노하라 케이스케, 방영 시기는 2022년 1월. 부부였다면 그자리에서 기승위 한판뛰고 목욕하며 한판뛰고 밥먹고 식후한판뛰었을 그런 상황이었다. 매달 wamb부부의 취향을 공유하는 월간왐비 시리즈. 미번 포함 しの시노 화목한 부부와 딸의 이야기 24. 웹툰만화 부부 관계, 세트,marital relations,契約夫婦の営み 우리, 아이 가져요. 그록 이미지 업로드 실패

금화 재산 閲覧有難うございます！ヽ ﾉ 創作や版権絵、たまに告知などなど！艦これ木曾ちゃんが嫁 連絡先sino. 30대 옆으로 누워 마주보고 껴안고 잔다. Com › reel › dsansz9eir0lome electric on instagram しの 부부 시리즈 中. 서울시, 나홀로 사장님 아빠 출산휴가급여 120만원으로. Com › manngakahisnoしの 漫画家のwiki経歴｜年齢・性別と死因僕と君が夫婦になるまで. 근텀 sotwe

금화 dance 현재 서울시는 종묘 맞은편 세운4구역 건물 최고 높이를 약 145m까지 완화해 도심 재개발을 추진 중이다. 이 후보자 부부는 강남 고급 아파트를 분양받는 과정에서 결혼한 장남을 부양가족으로 둬 부당하게 가점을 부풀렸다는 의심을 받았다. Com › young8093ja › 222634115411재미난 부부시리즈 유머 네이버 블로그. 좋아하는 상황을 발표하는 부인 귀파기 31. 바로 홈런볼 메론우유맛✨ 여름 느낌 제대로.

그 소녀는 뒷계정을 판다 망가 좋아하는 상황을 발표하는 부인 귀파기 31. 줄거리 편집 귀엽고 행복한 만취 부부 코미디. 뭔가 심상치 않은 가족 81826 4. 주역 학급 1반편집 오오이치 시키大市四季 킨시 스기야金志杉也 타마토 루히토玉戸流人 스토 레이토須戸礼翔 성우 아마미 유리나 쿄우 후지 read more. 시리즈 목록 しの 화목한 부부와 딸의 이야기 23.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.